Markus Zimmermann (University of Bayreuth, IMS-FORTH)
This is version 2 of LACRIMALit Ontology of Crisis. The ontology is a deliverable of the project LACRIMALit - Leaders And CRIsis MAnagement in Ancient Greek Literature.
Αυτή είναι η έκδοση 2 της Οντολογίας LACRIMALit. Αποτελεί παραδοτέο του ερευνητικού έργου LACRIMALit - Leaders And CRIsis MAnagement in Ancient Literature.
ISO 639-1 code for Ancient Greek (grc) ISO two-digit codes for the representation of names of languages http://www.infoterm.info/standardization/iso_639_1_2002.php
ISO 639-1 code for English (en) ISO two-digit codes for the representation of names of languages http://www.infoterm.info/standardization/iso_639_1_2002.php
ISO 639-1 code for Modern Greek (1453- ) (el) ISO two-digit codes for the representation of names of languages http://www.infoterm.info/standardization/iso_639_1_2002.php
LACRIMALit ontology describes events of crises in Greco-Roman Antiquity.
Η οντολογία LACRIMALit περιγράφει γεγονότα κρίσεων κατά την Ελληνο_Ρωμαϊκή Αρχαιότητα.
LACRIMALit Ontology
Οντολογία LACRIMALit
http://vocab.getty.edu/aat/300055818 period of ancient Greece or Rome
Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/
Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/
RDF CIDOC Vocabulary http://erlangen-crm.org/200717/
This is version 2 of LACRIMALit Ontology of Crisis part of the LACRIMALit Project on Leaders And CRIsis MAnagement in Ancient Literature.
Crisis Ontology version 1.2
Οντολογία LACRIMALit version 1.2
LACRIMALit Ontology version 1.2
Henry George Liddell. Robert Scott. A Greek-English Lexicon. revised and augmented throughout by. Sir Henry Stuart Jones. with the assistance of. Roderick McKenzie. Oxford. Clarendon Press. 1940.
Perseus LSJ URI
Perseus Digital Library. Ed. Gregory R. Crane. Tufts University. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu
Perseus URI
Perseus reference
Relevant extracts from text published online by Perseus Digital Library. Editor-in-Chief: Gregory Crane. Website: https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/ Texts are licensed under the Creative Commons ShareAlike 3.0 License
agent
born in
colonised by
companion of
consequence
designation
died in
ends before or with the end of
ends before or with the start of
ends before the end of
ends before the start of
father of
function
has ancestor
has child
has descendant
has founder
has function
has member
has parent
has sibling
cause
event that succeeds another event
successor of
linked event
lives in
location
member of
event that preceeds another event
son of
starts before or with the end of
starts before or with the start of
starts before the end of
starts before the start of
sub event
begin date
end date
language
number of victims
pleiades coordinates
Coordinates of the Pleiades dataset, available to search here: https://pleiades.stoa.org/, https://pleiades.stoa.org/places. Copyright © Ancient World Mapping Center and Institute for the Study of the Ancient World. Sharing and remixing permitted under terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License (cc-by)
wikidata coordinates
year of birth
year of death
Agent
An organized group of people with a common interest, activity, or purpose set by its members.
Οργανωμένο σύνολο ανθρώπων που λειτουργεί επιδιώκοντας την επίτευξη κοινών στόχων που καθορίζονται από τα μέλη του.
Σύλλογος
Association
athletic association
αθλητικός σύλλογος
definite description
ακριβής περιγραφή
the citizens of a city-state (polis)
το σύνολο των πολιτών μιας πόλης-κράτους
ethnic group
εθνοτική ομάδα
a person's role or occupation
set of people
Group
LACRIMALit Group
Human Agent
LACRIMAlit Human Agent
LACRIMALit ontology conceptual dimension
lexical unit
λεξική μονάδα
A place where something is located; a site.
A natural agent (e.g., earthquake)
Φυσικό στοιχείο/παράγοντας (π.χ. σεισμός)
Natural Agent
a position or occupation performed
επιτελεσθείσα δραστηριότητα/υπηρεσία/αξίωμα
performed function
A human (person)
Άνθρωπος (πρόσωπο)
Person
LACRIMALit Person
League
political association
Κοινόν
Συμμαχία
Koinon
An association of states, organizations, or individuals for common action; an alliance. Wordnik https://www.wordnik.com/words/league
Commonwealth
Koinon, meaning "common", in the sense of "public", had many interpretations, some societal, some governmental. The word was the neuter form of the adjective, roughly equivalent in the governmental sense to Latin res publica, "the public thing". Among the most frequent uses is "commonwealth", the government of a single state, such as the Athenian. Frequent in the historical writings is a sense of "league" or "federation" an association of distinct city-states in a sympoliteia. As government of a league, koinon comprised such functions as defense, diplomacy, economics, and religious practices among its member states. The word was carried over to other political associations in mediaeval and modern Greek history. In Epirus itself there had in ancient times existed the Koinon of the Molossians. There was a Lacedaemonian League, centred on Sparta and its old dominions for a period under Roman rule, a Koinon of the Macedonians, also under Roman rule.Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Koinon
proper name
κύριο όνομα
κυριώνυμο
religious association
θρησκευτική οργάνωση
term
όρος
trade or professional association, collectivity of people gathered together with a common and permanent objective,"a degree of economic corporeality and "a progressive propensity for communal contracting as a group" (Gabrielsen, V. and M. C.D. Paganini. 2021. Private Assocations in the Ancient Greek World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 253)
εμπορική ή επαγγελματική ένωση, συλλογικότητα ανθρώπων που έχουν συγκεντρωθεί με κοινό και μόνιμο στόχο, "a degree of economic corporeality and "a progressive propensity for communal contracting as a group" (Gabrielsen, V. and M. C.D. Paganini. 2021. Private Assocations in the Ancient Greek World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 253)
trade association
εμπορική ένωση
Adeimantus (Ancient Greek: Ἀδείμαντος), son of Leucolophides (Ancient Greek: Λευκολοφίδης), an Athenian, was one of the commanders with Alcibiades in the expedition against Andros in 407 BC.
Ο Αδείμαντος (Αρχαία Ελληνικά: Ἀδείμαντος), γιος του Λευκολοφίδη (Αρχαία Ελληνικά: Λευκολοφίδης), ήταν Αθηναίος και ένας από τους διοικητές μαζί με τον Αλκιβιάδη στην εκστρατεία κατά της Άνδρου το 407 π.Χ..
Adeimantus
Αδείμαντος
2. The son of Leucolophides, an Athenian, was one of the commanders with Alcibiades in the expedition against Andros, B. C. 407. (Xen. Hell. 1.4.21.) He was again appointed one of the Athenian generals after the battle of Arginusae, B. C. 406, and continued in office till the battle of Aegospotami, B. C. 405, where he was one of the commanders, and was taken prisoner. He was the only one of the Athenian prisoners who was not put to death, because he had opposed the decrec for cutting off the right hands of the Lacedaemonians who might be taken in the battle. He was accused by many of treachery in this battle, and was afterwards impeached by Conon. (Xen. Hell. 1.7.1, 2.1.30-32; Paus. 4.17.2, x.. § 5; Dem. de fals. leg. p. 401.; Lys. c. Alc. pp. 143, 21.) Aristophanes speaks of Adeimantus in the "Frogs" (1513), which was acted in the year of the battle, as one whose death was wished for; and he also calls him, apparently out of jest, the son of Leucolophus, that is, "White Crest." In the " Protagoras" of Plato, Adeimantus is also spoken of as present on that occasion (p. 315c.). William Smith. A Dictionary of Greek and Roman biography and mythology. London. John Murray: printed by Spottiswoode and Co., New-Street Square and Parliament Street. In the article on Soranus, we find: "at this present time (1848)" and this date seems to reflect the dates of works cited. 1873 - probably the printing date. https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:text:1999.04.0104:entry=adeimantus-bio-2&highlightauth=-407#match1
Aemilius Paulus
Αιμίλιος Παύλος
Λούκιος Αιμίλιος Παύλος Μακεδονικός
Aeropus
Αέροπος
son of a "Hegesander" or "Agesander", perhaps the same who is mentioned as a member of the last Spartan embassy sent to Athens before the Peloponnesian War, was himself a Spartan general in that war.
Agesandridas
Ἀγησανδρίδας
Ἡγησανδρίδας
Aγησανδρίδας
Agesilaus I
Αγησίλαος Ι
son of Doryssus, 6th king of the Agiad line at Sparta, excluding Aristodemus
Agesilaus II
Αγησίλαος ΙΙ
Agiads dynasty
Δυναστεία των Αγιαδών
Agiads
Αγιάδες
Agis II
Άγις
Ἄγις
Alcibiades disembarked his army at Gaurium, in the territory of Andros; and when the men of Andros and the Laconians who were there came forth to meet him, the Athenians routed them, shut them up in their city, and killed some few of them. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0206%3Abook%3D1%3Achapter%3D4
Alcibiades
Ἀλκιβιάδης
Alcidas
Αλκίδας
Ἀλκίδας
Alexander, son of Aeropos
Αλέξανδρος, γιος του Αέροπου
Alexander III king of Macedon
Μέγας Αλέξανδρος
Αλέξανδρος ΙΙΙ βασιλιάς της Μακεδονίας
the rival generals, families, and friends of Alexander the Great who fought for control over his empire after his death in 323 BC.
οι αντίπαλοι στρατηγοί, οικογένειες και φίλοι του Μεγάλου Αλεξάνδρου που πολέμησαν για τον έλεγχο της αυτοκρατορίας του μετά το θάνατό του το 323 π.Χ.
Diadochoi
Successors of Alexander the Great
Διάδοχοι του Μ. Αλεξάνδρου
Diadochi
Διάδοχοι
citizens of a city of ancient Greece on the site of modern Arta
Ambraciots
Αμβρακιώτες
citizens of the city of Amphipolis
Amphipolis citizens
Amphipolitans
Αμφιπολίτες
inhabitants of the island of Andros and citizens of the namesake capital of the island in ancient times
κάτοικοι του νησιού της Άνδρου και πολίτες της ομώνυμης πρωτεύουσας του νησιού κατά την αρχαιότητα
Andrians
Ανδριώτες
Ἄνδριος-ιοι
Antiochus III the Great
Αντίοχος ΙΙΙ ο Μέγας
Argives
citizens of the city of Argos
Αργείοι
Ἀργεῖοι
Αθηναίος στρατηγός και πολιτικός, επονομαζόμενος και «δίκαιος»
Aristides
Αριστείδης
Athenian statesman, known as 'Aristides the just'
Ἀριστείδης
Aristocrates
Αριστοκράτης
Aristogenes
Αριστογένης
Arrhabaeus, son of Aeropus of Lyncestis, a conspirator against Philip II of Macedon. He was executed, along with his brother Heromenes. His son Amyntas served as cavalry officer of Alexander the Great.
Arrhabaeus
Αρραβαίος
Arrian
Αρριανός
Ἀρριανός
Athenian League
Αθηναϊκή Συμμαχία
Delian League
Δηλιακή Συμμαχία
Athenian fleet
Aθηναϊκός στόλος
ναυτικό των Αθηναίων
citizens of Athens
Athenians
Aθηναίοι
Ἀθηναῖοι
the Four Hundred (Oligarchs)
οι Τετρακόσιοι (Ολιγαχρικοί)
Athenians, supporters of the democratic party
Athenian democrats
Aθηναίοι δημοκρατικοί
proSpartan supporters of the Athenian oligarchic party
Athenian oligarchs
Αθηναίοι ολιγαρχικοί
citizens of Boeotia
Boeotians
Βοιωτοί
Boetian League
Βοιωτική Συμμαχία
were an ancient people of uncertain origin, living in Central Macedonia
Bottiaeans
Bottiaei
Βοττιαίοι
Βοττιαῖοι
Brasidas
Βρασίδας
Brutus
Marcus Junius Brutus
Βρούτος
Callias II
Καλλίας ΙΙ
Callicratidas
Καλλικρατίδας
Callisthenes
Καλλισθένης
a Roman soldier and statesman of the patrician class
Marcus Furius Camillus
Μάρκος Φούριος Κάμιλλος
Cassius
Gaius Cassius Longinus
Κάσσιος
Chaereas
Χαιρέας
citizens of Chios
Χίοι
Chians
Χιώτες
Χῖοι
Clazomenaeans
citizens of Clazomenae
Κλαζομένιοι
Clearchus
Κλέαρχος
Cleombrotus I
Κλεόμβροτος Ι
Κλεόμβροτος I
Cleon
Kλέων
Κλέων
Κλέωνας
inhabitants/citizens of Colophon, ancient city of Ionia, near the coast of Asia Minor, between Levedos and Ephesus
κάτοικοι/πολίτες της Κολοφώνας, αρχαίας πόλης της Ιωνίας, κοντά στις ακτές της Μικράς Ασίας, ανάμεσα στην Λέβεδο και την Έφεσο
Colophonians
Κολοφώνιοι
Conon
Κόνων
inhabitants/citizens of Corcyra, ancient island and city in the Ionian Sea (modern name: Corfu)
κάτοικοι/πολίτες της Κέρκυρας, αρχαίο νησί και πόλη στο Ιόνιο Πέλαγος (σύγχρονη ονομασία: Κέρκυρα)
Corcyreans
Κερκυραίοι
Κερκυραῖοι
Corcyreans, supporters of the pro-Athenian Corcyrean democratic party
Kερκυραίοι, υποστηρικτές του φιλοΑθηναϊκού δημοκρατικού κόμματος
Corcyrean democrats
Κερκυραίοι δημοκρατικοί
Corcyreans, supporters of the pro-Spartan Corcyrean oligarchic party
Κερκυραίοι, υποστηρικτές του Λακωνόφιλου κόμματος των ολιγαρχικών
Corcyrean oligarchs
Κερκυραίοι ολιγαρχικοί
Corinth's allies
σύμμαχοι των Κορινθίων
inhabitans/citizen of Corinth
κάτοικοι/πολίτες της Κορίνθου
Corinthians
Κορίνθιοι
Craterus
Κρατερός
Kρατερός
Darius III
Δαρείος ΙΙΙ
Συμμαχία της Δήλου
inhabitans/citizens of Delos
κάτοικοι/πολίτες της Δήλου
Delians
Δήλιοι
Demosthenes
Δημοσθένης
Dieitrephes
Diomedon
Διομέδων
Epameinondas
Επαμεινώνδας
Ἐπαμεινώνδας
Epaminondas
inhabitans/citizens of Ephesus/Ephesos
κάτοικοι/πολίτες της Εφέσου
Ephesians
Εφέσιοι
Ἐφέσιοι
citizens/inhabitans of the ancient Greek city of Epidamnos or Epidamnus (Greek: Ἐπίδαμνος), (Albanian: Epidamni) later the Roman Dyrrachium (Δυρράχιον) (Albanian: Dyrrahu) (modern Durrës, Albania), was founded in 627 BC in Illyria by a group of colonists from Corinth and Corcyra (modern Corfu)
πολίτες/κάτοικοι της αρχαίας ελληνικής πόλης της Επιδαύρου ή Επιδαύρου (ελληνικά: Ἐπίδαμνος), (αλβανικά: Epidamni) αργότερα το ρωμαϊκό Dyrrachium (Δυρράχιον) (αλβανικά: Dyrrahu) (σύγχρονο Durrës, Αλβανία), ιδρύθηκε το 627 π.Χ. στην Ιλλυρία από μια ομάδα αποίκων από την Κόρινθο και την Κέρκυρα (σύγχρονη Κέρκυρα)
Epidamnians
Επιδάμνιοι
Ἐπιδάμνιοι
Erasinides
Ερασινίδης
Ἐρασινίδης
Erythraeans
citizens of Erythrae or Erythrai (Greek: Ἐρυθραί), one of the twelve Ionian cities of Asia Minor
Ερυθραίοι
Ἐρυθραῖοι
Spartan commander during the Peloponnesian and Corinthian wars
Eteonicus
Ετεόνικος
Ἐτεόνικος
Eurylochus
Ευρύλοχος
Εὐρύλοχος
Eurypontid dynasty (Sparta)
Δυναστεία Ευρυποντιδών (Σπάρτη)
400 Hundred
Τετρακόσιοι
Greek Carians
citizens of the Greek cities of Caria
Έλληνες της Καρίας
citizens of Greek city-states in western Asia Minor located generally east of ancient Ionia
Greek Lydians
΄Ελληνες της Λυδίας
Tyrannicides
Τυραννοκτόνοι
Harmodios and Aristogeiton
Αρμόδιος και Αριστογείτων
Hephaestion
Ηφαιστίων
Hermocrates
Ερμοκράτης
Ἑρμοκράτης
Hipparchos
Ίππαρχος
Spartan general at the naval battle of Cyzicus
Hippocrates
Ιπποκράτης
Ionian League
Panionic League
Ionians
Ίωνες
Julius Caesar
Ιούλιος Καίσαρας
League of Corinth
Hellenic League
citizens of Lebedus
one of the twelve cities of the Ionian League, located south of Smyrna, Klazomenai and neighboring Teos and before Ephesus further south. It was on the coast, ninety stadia (16.65 km) to the east of Cape Myonnesus, and 120 (22.2 km) west of Colophon.
πολίτες της Λεβέδου
Lesbians
citizens of Lesbos
Λέσβιοι
πολίτες της Λέσβου
Leucadians
Λευκαδίτες
Leucolophides
Λευκολοφίδης
Lyciscus
Λυκίσκος
Lysander
Λύσανδρος
Lysias
Λυσίας
father of the Athenian politician Aristides the Just who had a grandson of the same name through Aristides
πατέρας του Αθηναίου πολιτικού Αριστείδη του Δίκαιου, ο οποίος είχε έναν εγγονό με το ίδιο όνομα μέσω του Αριστείδη
Lysimachus
Λυσίμαχος
Macedonian army
Μακεδονικός στρατός
Greek tribe that lived on the alluvial plain around the rivers Haliacmon and lower Axios in the northeastern part of mainland Greece in ancient times.
Macedonians
Μακεδόνες
citizen of Mallus, Cilicia
Malliotes
Mallotes
Μαλλώτης
inhabitants of Mende
Mendeans
Μενδαίοι
Spartan general at the battle at Olpae against the Athenians in 426 BC
Menedaius
Μενεδάιος
Μενεδάϊος
Σπαρτιάτης στρατηγός στη μάχη των Ολπών εναντίον των Αθηναίων το 426 π.Χ.
Helots
he lowest class of the Spartan state who lived in oppressive, hereditary servitude, and who were for the most part engaged in agriculture. They lived throughout Laconia and also in adjacent Messenia, where the Helot system had been extended by Spartan conquest, and they apparently far outnumbered their masters, who feared as well as exploited them. Source: The Landamark Thucydides. A Comprehensive Guide to the Peloponnesian War. https://erenow.net/ancient/the-landmark-thucydides-a-comprehensive-guide-to-the-peloponnesian-war/25.php
Είλωτες
Εἵλωτες
Messenians
Milesians
Μιλήσιοι
Mindarus
Μίνδαρος
citizens of Mys
πολίτες του Μυός
Nicias
Νικίας
Nicostratus
Νικόστρατος
Parians
citizens of Paros
Πάριοι
πολίτες της Πάρου
Parmenion
Παρμενίων
Pasitelidas
Πασιτελίδας
Pausanias, father of Cleombrotus I
Παυσανίας, πατέρας του Κλεόμβροτου Ι
Παυσανίας, πατέρας του Κλεόμβροτους Ι
Pausanias of Orestis
Παυσανίας ἐκ τῆς Ὀρεστίδος
Παυσανίας από την Ορεστίδα
Peisianax
Πεισιάναξ
Peithias
Πειθίας
Pelasgians
Πελασγοί
Pelopidas
Πελοπίδας
Peloponnesian League
Πελοποννησιακή Συμμαχία
inhabitants of the Peloponnese
κάτοικοι της Πελοποννήσου
Peloponnesians
Πελοποννήσιοι
Pericles
Περικλής
Pericles the Younger
Περικλής ο Νεώτερος
Persian army
Περσικός στρατός
Persian fleet
Περσικό ναυτικό
Περσικός στόλος
Persians
ancient Iranian people
Πέρσες
αρχαίο Ιρανικό φύλο
Pharnabazus II
Φαρνάβαζος ΙΙ
Pharnavazus II
Philip II of Macedon
Φίλιππος ΙΙ ο Μακεδόνας
Φίλιππος ΙΙ Μακεδόνας
Philocles
Φιλοκλής
citizens of Phocaea
Phocaeans
ancient Ionian Greek city on the western coast of Anatolia
Φωκαείς
αρχαία Ελληνική πόλη της Ιωανίς στη Δυτική ακτή της Ανατολίας
Phrynichus
Φρύνιχος
Pleistoanax
Πλειστοάναξ
Plutarch
Πλούταρχος
Potidaeans
Ποτιδαιάτες
citizens of Potidaea in Chalcidiki
πολίτες της Ποτίδαιας στη Χαλκιδική
citizens of Priene
κάτοικοι της Πριήνης
Prienians
Πριηνείς
Protomachus
Πρωτόμαχος
Ptolemy
Πτολεμαίος
Pythodelos
Πυθόδηλος
Roman army
Ρωμαϊκός στρατός
citizens of Samos
κάτοικοι της Σάμου
Samians
Σάμιοι
citizens of Segesta in Sicily
κάτοικοι της Αίγεστας στη Σικελία
Segestans
Εγεσταίοι
Ἐγεσταῖοι
Simonides
Σιμωνίδης
a prince of the Odrysian royal house (Thrace)
γιος του βασιλιά των Οδρυσσών (Θράκη)
Sitalces
Sitalkes
Σιτάλκης ΙΙ
Sitalces II
Sitalkes II
citizens of Smyrna in Anatolia
πολίτες της Σμύρνης στην Ανατολία
Smyrnans
Σμυρναίοι
Σμυρναῖοι
Socrates
Σωκράτης
Solon
Σόλων
Σόλωνας
Sophroniscus
Σοφρωνίσκος
Peloponnesian League alliance between Sparta, Corinth, Elis and Tegea which establishes Spartan hegemony over the Peloponnese between circa 550 and 366 BC.
Spartan fleet
Σπαρτιατικός στόλος
citizens of Sparta
πολίτες της Σπάρτης
Spartans
Σπαρτιάτες
Σπαρτιᾶται
Stratonides
Στρατωνίδης
citizens of Suracuse in Sicily
κάτοικο/πολίτες της Συρακούσας (Σικελία)
Syracusans
Συρακόσιοι
inhabitants/citizens of Teos, an ancient Greek city on the coast of Ionia
κάτοικοι/πολίτες της Τέω, αρχαίας ελληνικής πόλης στις ακτές της Ιωνίας
Teians
Τήιοι
citizens of the ancient Greek island of Thasos
citizens/inhabitans of Thasos
Thasians
Θάσιοι
citizens of the ancient Greek city of Thebes
πολίτες της αρχαίας Θήβας
Thebans
Θηβαίοι
Θηβαῖοι
Theramenes
Θηραμένης
citizens of the ancient Greek region of Thessaly
πολίτες της αρχαίας Θεσσαλίας
Thessalians
Θεσσαλοί
Θετταλοί
κάτοικοι της Θεσσαλίας
pro-Spartan oligarchy installed in Athens after its defeat in the Peloponnesian War in 404 BC
Thirty tyrants
Τριάκοντα Τύραννοι
Thrasybulus
Θρασύβουλος
Thrasyllus
Θράσυλλος
Thucles
Θουκλής
Θουκλῆς
Athenian historian and general
Thucydides
Θουκυδίδης
Thymochares
Θυμοχάρης
The lictors were instituted by Rome's first king, Romulus, who appointed twelve lictors to attend him. They were Roman civil servants who served as attendant and bodyguard to a magistrate who held imperium (a form of authority held by a citizen to control a military or governmental entity).
Twelve Lictors
Δώδεκα Λίκτορες
Xenophon
Ξενοφώντας
Ξενοφῶν
The Lacedaemonians meanwhile finding the war against the rebels in Ithome likely to last, invoked the aid of their allies, and especially of the Athenians, who came in some force under the command of Cimon. The reason for this pressing summons lay in their reputed skill in siege operations; a long siege had taught the Lacedaemonians their own deficiency in this art, else they would have taken the place by assault. The first open quarrel between the Lacedaemonians and Athenians arose out of this expedition. The Lacedaemonians, when assault failed to take the place, apprehensive of the enterprising and revolutionary character of the Athenians, and further looking upon them as of alien extraction, began to fear that if they remained, they might be tempted by the besieged in Ithome to attempt some political changes. They accordingly dismissed them alone of the allies, without declaring their suspicions, but merely saying that they had now no need of them. But the Athenians, aware that their dismissal did not proceed from the more honorable reason of the two, but from suspicions which had been conceived, went away deeply offended, and conscious of having done nothing to merit such treatment from the Lacedaemonians; and the instant that they returned home they broke off the alliance which had been made against the Mede, and allied themselves with Sparta's enemy Argos; each of the contracting parties taking the same oaths and making the same alliance with the Thessalians. Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:1.102.1-4
Λακεδαιμόνιοι δέ, ὡς αὐτοῖς πρὸς τοὺς ἐν Ἰθώμῃ ἐμηκύνετο ὁ πόλεμος, ἄλλους τε ἐπεκαλέσαντο ξυμμάχους καὶ Ἀθηναίους: οἱ δ᾽ ἦλθον Κίμωνος στρατηγοῦντος πλήθει οὐκ ὀλίγῳ. μάλιστα δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐπεκαλέσαντο ὅτι τειχομαχεῖν ἐδόκουν δυνατοὶ εἶναι, τοῖς δὲ πολιορκίας μακρᾶς καθεστηκυίας τούτου ἐνδεᾶ ἐφαίνετο: βίᾳ γὰρ ἂν εἷλον τὸ χωρίον. καὶ διαφορὰ ἐκ ταύτης τῆς στρατείας πρῶτον Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ Ἀθηναίοις φανερὰ ἐγένετο. οἱ γὰρ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ἐπειδὴ τὸ χωρίον βίᾳ οὐχ ἡλίσκετο, δείσαντες τῶν Ἀθηναίων τὸ τολμηρὸν καὶ τὴν νεωτεροποιίαν, καὶ ἀλλοφύλους ἅμα ἡγησάμενοι, μή τι, ἢν παραμείνωσιν, ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν Ἰθώμῃ πεισθέντες νεωτερίσωσι, μόνους τῶν ξυμμάχων ἀπέπεμψαν, τὴν μὲν ὑποψίαν οὐ δηλοῦντες, εἰπόντες δὲ ὅτι οὐδὲν προσδέονται αὐτῶν ἔτι. οἱ δ᾽ Ἀθηναῖοι ἔγνωσαν οὐκ ἐπὶ τῷ βελτίονι λόγῳ ἀποπεμπόμενοι, ἀλλά τινος ὑπόπτου γενομένου, καὶ δεινὸν ποιησάμενοι καὶ οὐκ ἀξιώσαντες ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων τοῦτο παθεῖν, εὐθὺς ἐπειδὴ ἀνεχώρησαν, ἀφέντες τὴν γενομένην ἐπὶ τῷ Μήδῳ ξυμμαχίαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς Ἀργείοις τοῖς ἐκείνων πολεμίοις ξύμμαχοι ἐγένοντο, καὶ πρὸς Θεσσαλοὺς ἅμα ἀμφοτέροις οἱ αὐτοὶ ὅρκοι καὶ ξυμμαχία κατέστη. Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.102.1-4
Allies of Athenians
City-state allies of Athens
Σύμμαχες πόλεις-κράτη των Αθηναίων
Σύμμαχοι των Αθηναίων
drought
ξηρασία
earthquake
σεισμός
famine
λιμός
inundation
πλημμύρα
pirates
πιρατές
prytanes
πρυτάνεις
tsunami
τσουνάμι
alternative
the Abydos battle
preferred
the battle of Abydos
designates the batlle of Abydos, one of the Athenian naval victory in the Peloponnesian war in 411 BC
Κερκυραϊκά
εμφύλιος πόλεμος στην Κέρκυρα
sedition of Corfu
sédition de Corfou
Aegospotami battle
Thuc. 3.105.1-3.114.3 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:3.105.1
Agesilaus II, king of Sparta, 399-358 BC
Αγησίλαος ΙΙ, βασιλιάς της Σπάρτης, 399-358 π.Χ.
Alexander the Greak, reign, 336-323 BC
Andros battle
the building of ships by the Athenians in Sicily during the Sicilian expedition in 415-413 BC
η ναυπήγηση πλοίων από τους Αθηναίους στη Σικελία κατά τη διάρκεια της Σικελικής εκστρατείας 425-413 π.Χ.
Corinthian war
War on Land
Κορινθιακός πόλεμος
Named after Decelea, a town in Attica, best known for the fact that the Spartan occupation during the Decelean War (413-404). https://www.livius.org/articles/place/decelea/
Decelean war
Ionian war
revolt
revolution
επανάσταση
Peace of Antalcidas
Ανταλκίδειος Ειρήνη
The King's Peace
Βασίλειος ειρήνη
Ειρήνη του Βασιλέως
Peace of Callias
Ειρήνη του Καλλία
Καλλίειος ειρήνη
13. The following winter Rhamphias and his army went as far as Pierium in Thessaly, but as the1 Thessalians would not let them proceed2, and Brasidas, for whom these reinforcements were intended, was dead,' they returned home, thinking that the time for action had gone by. They felt that they were not competent to carry out the great designs of Brasidas, and the Athenians had now left the country defeated. [2] But their chief reason for not proceeding was that the Lacedaemonians, at the time when they left Sparta, were. inclined towards peace. 14. After the battle of Amphipolis and the return of Rhamphias from Thessaly, neither side1 undertook any military operations. Both alike were inclined to peace. The Athenians had been beaten at Delium, and shortly afterwards at Amphipolis; and so they had lost that confidence in their own strength which had indisposed them to treat at a time when temporary success seemed to make their final triumph certain. They were afraid too that their allies would be elated at their disasters, and that more of them would revolt; [2] they repented that after the affair at Pylos, when they might honourably have done so, they had not come to terms. The Lacedaemonians on the other hand inclined to peace because the course of the war had disappointed their expectations. [3] There was a time when they fancied that, if they only devastated Attica, they would crush the power of Athens within a few years2; and yet they had received a blow at Sphacteria such as Sparta had never experienced until then; their country was continually ravaged from Pylos and Cythera; the Helots were deserting, and they were always fearing lest those who had not deserted, relying on the help of those who had, should seize their opportunity and revolt, as they had done once before. [4] Moreover, the truce for thirty years which they had made with Argos was on the point of expiring; the Argives were unwilling to renew it unless Cynuria were restored to them, and the Lacedaemonians deemed it impossible to fight against the Argives and Athenians combined. They suspected also that some of the Peloponnesian cities would secede and join the Argives, which proved to be the case. 15. Upon these grounds both governments thought it desirable to make peace. The Lacedaemonians were the more eager of the two, because they wanted to recover the prisoners taken at Sphacteria; for the Spartans among them were of high rank, and all alike related to themselves. [2] They had negotiated for their recovery immediately after they were taken, but the Athenians, in the hour of their prosperity, would not as yet agree to fair terms. After their defeat at Delium, the Lacedaemonians were well aware that they would now be more compliant, and therefore they had at once made a truce for a year, during which the envoys of the two states were to meet and advise about a lasting peace. 16. When Athens had received a second blow at Amphipolis, and Brasidas and Cleon, who had been the two greatest enemies of peace,—the one because the war brought him success and reputation, and the other because he fancied that in quiet times his rogueries would be more transparent and his slanders less credible,-had fallen in the battle, the two chief aspirants for political power at Athens and Sparta, Pleistoanax the son of Pausanias, king of the Lacedaemonians, and Nicias the son of Niceratus the Athenian, who had been the most fortunate general of his day, became more eager than ever to make an end of the war. Nicias desired, whilst he was still successful and held in repute, to preserve his good fortune; he would have liked to rest from toil, and to give the people rest; and he hoped to leave behind him to other ages the name of a man who in all his life had never brought disaster on the city. He thought that the way to gain his wish was to trust as little as possible to fortune, and to keep out of danger; and that danger would be best avoided by peace. Pleistoanax wanted peace, because his enemies were always stirring up the scruples of the Lacedaemonians against him, and insisting whenever misfortunes came that they were to be attributed to his illegal return from exile. [2] For they accused him and Aristocles his brother of having induced the priestess at Delphi, whenever Lacedaemonian envoys came to enquire of the oracle, constantly to repeat the same answer: 'Bring back the seed of the hero son of Zeus from a strange country to your own; else you will plough with a silver ploughshare': [3] until, after a banishment of nineteen years, he persuaded the Lacedaemonians to bring him home again with dances and sacrifices and such ceremonies as they observed when they first enthroned their kings at the foundation of Lacedaemon. He had been banished on account of his retreat from Attica, when he was supposed to have been bribed While in exile at Mount Lycaeum he had occupied a house half within the sacred precinct of Zeus, through fear of the Lacedaemonians. Thuc. 5.13-5.16 Thucydides translated into English; with introduction, marginal analysis, notes, and indices. Volume 1. Thucydides. Benjamin Jowett. translator. Oxford. Clarendon Press. 1881. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng2:5.13 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng2:5.14 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng2:5.15 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng2:5.16
13. τοῦ δ᾽ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος εὐθὺς μέχρι μὲν Πιερίου τῆς Θεσσαλίας διῆλθον οἱ περὶ τὸν Ῥαμφίαν, κωλυόντων δὲ τῶν Θεσσαλῶν καὶ ἅμα Βρασίδου τεθνεῶτος, ᾧπερ ἦγον τὴν στρατιάν, ἀπετράποντο ἐπ᾽ οἴκου, νομίσαντες οὐδένα καιρὸν ἔτι εἶναι τῶν τε Ἀθηναίων ἥσσῃ ἀπεληλυθότων καὶ οὐκ ἀξιόχρεων αὐτῶν ὄντων δρᾶν τι ὧν κἀκεῖνος ἐπενόει. [2] μάλιστα δὲ ἀπῆλθον εἰδότες τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, ὅτε ἐξῇσαν, πρὸς τὴν εἰρήνην μᾶλλον τὴν γνώμην ἔχοντας. 14. ξυνέβη τε εὐθὺς μετὰ τὴν ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει μάχην καὶ τὴν Ῥαμφίου ἀναχώρησιν ἐκ Θεσσαλίας ὥστε πολέμου μὲν μηδὲν ἔτι ἅψασθαι μηδετέρους, πρὸς δὲ τὴν εἰρήνην μᾶλλον τὴν γνώμην εἶχον, οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι πληγέντες ἐπί τε τῷ Δηλίῳ καὶ δι᾽ ὀλίγου αὖθις ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει, καὶ οὐκ ἔχοντες τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς ῥώμης πιστὴν ἔτι, ᾗπερ οὐ προσεδέχοντο πρότερον τὰς σπονδάς, δοκοῦντες τῇ παρούσῃ εὐτυχίᾳ καθυπέρτεροι γενήσεσθαι: [2] καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἅμα ἐδέδισαν σφῶν μὴ διὰ τὰ σφάλματα ἐπαιρόμενοι ἐπὶ πλέον ἀποστῶσι, μετεμέλοντό τε ὅτι μετὰ τὰ ἐν Πύλῳ καλῶς παρασχὸν οὐ ξυνέβησαν: [3] οἱ δ᾽ αὖ Λακεδαιμόνιοι παρὰ γνώμην μὲν ἀποβαίνοντος σφίσι τοῦ πολέμου, ἐν ᾧ ᾤοντο ὀλίγων ἐτῶν καθαιρήσειν τὴν τῶν Ἀθηναίων δύναμιν, εἰ τὴν γῆν τέμνοιεν, περιπεσόντες δὲ τῇ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ξυμφορᾷ, οἵα οὔπω ἐγεγένητο τῇ Σπάρτῃ, καὶ λῃστευομένης τῆς χώρας ἐκ τῆς Πύλου καὶ Κυθήρων, αὐτομολούντων τε τῶν Εἱλώτων καὶ αἰεὶ προσδοκίας οὔσης μή τι καὶ οἱ ὑπομένοντες τοῖς ἔξω πίσυνοι πρὸς τὰ παρόντα σφίσιν ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερον νεωτερίσωσιν. [4] ξυνέβαινε δὲ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀργείους αὐτοῖς τὰς τριακοντούτεις σπονδὰς ἐπ᾽ ἐξόδῳ εἶναι, καὶ ἄλλας οὐκ ἤθελον σπένδεσθαι οἱ Ἀργεῖοι εἰ μή τις αὐτοῖς τὴν Κυνουρίαν γῆν ἀποδώσει, ὥστ᾽ ἀδύνατα εἶναι ἐφαίνετο Ἀργείοις καὶ Ἀθηναίοις ἅμα πολεμεῖν. τῶν τε ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ πόλεων ὑπώπτευόν τινας ἀποστήσεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς Ἀργείους: ὅπερ καὶ ἐγένετο. 15. ταῦτ᾽ οὖν ἀμφοτέροις αὐτοῖς λογιζομένοις ἐδόκει ποιητέα εἶναι ἡ ξύμβασις, καὶ οὐχ ἧσσον τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, ἐπιθυμίᾳ τῶν ἀνδρῶν τῶν ἐκ τῆς νήσου κομίσασθαι: ἦσαν γὰρ οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται αὐτῶν πρῶτοί τε καὶ † ὁμοίως † σφίσι ξυγγενεῖς. [2] ἤρξαντο μὲν οὖν καὶ εὐθὺς μετὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν αὐτῶν πράσσειν, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι οὔπως ἤθελον, εὖ φερόμενοι, ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καταλύεσθαι. σφαλέντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τῷ Δηλίῳ παραχρῆμα οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, γνόντες νῦν μᾶλλον ἂν ἐνδεξαμένους, ποιοῦνται τὴν ἐνιαύσιον ἐκεχειρίαν, ἐν ᾗ ἔδει ξυνιόντας καὶ περὶ τοῦ πλέονος χρόνου βουλεύεσθαι. 16. ἐπειδὴ δὲ καὶ ἡ ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει ἧσσα τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐγεγένητο καὶ ἐτεθνήκει Κλέων τε καὶ Βρασίδας, οἵπερ ἀμφοτέρωθεν μάλιστα ἠναντιοῦντο τῇ εἰρήνῃ, ὁ μὲν διὰ τὸ εὐτυχεῖν τε καὶ τιμᾶσθαι ἐκ τοῦ πολεμεῖν, ὁ δὲ γενομένης ἡσυχίας καταφανέστερος νομίζων ἂν εἶναι κακουργῶν καὶ ἀπιστότερος διαβάλλων, τότε δὴ ἑκατέρᾳ τῇ πόλει σπεύδοντες τὰ μάλιστα τὴν ἡγεμονίαν Πλειστοάναξ τε ὁ Παυσανίου βασιλεὺς Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Νικίας ὁ Νικηράτου, πλεῖστα τῶν τότε εὖ φερόμενος ἐν στρατηγίαις, πολλῷ δὴ μᾶλλον προυθυμοῦντο, Νικίας μὲν βουλόμενος, ἐν ᾧ ἀπαθὴς ἦν καὶ ἠξιοῦτο, διασώσασθαι τὴν εὐτυχίαν, καὶ ἔς τε τὸ αὐτίκα πόνων πεπαῦσθαι καὶ αὐτὸς καὶ τοὺς πολίτας παῦσαι καὶ τῷ μέλλοντι χρόνῳ καταλιπεῖν ὄνομα ὡς οὐδὲν σφήλας τὴν πόλιν διεγένετο, νομίζων ἐκ τοῦ ἀκινδύνου τοῦτο ξυμβαίνειν καὶ ὅστις ἐλάχιστα τύχῃ αὑτὸν παραδίδωσι, τὸ δὲ ἀκίνδυνον τὴν εἰρήνην παρέχειν, Πλειστοάναξ δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν διαβαλλόμενος περὶ τῆς καθόδου, καὶ ἐς ἐνθυμίαν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις αἰεὶ προβαλλόμενος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν, ὁπότε τι πταίσειαν, ὡς διὰ τὴν ἐκείνου κάθοδον παρανομηθεῖσαν ταῦτα ξυμβαίνοι. [2] τὴν γὰρ πρόμαντιν τὴν ἐν Δελφοῖς ἐπῃτιῶντο αὐτὸν πεῖσαι μετ᾽ Ἀριστοκλέους τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ ὥστε χρῆσαι Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐπὶ πολὺ τάδε θεωροῖς ἀφικνουμένοις, Διὸς υἱοῦ ἡμιθέου τὸ σπέρμα ἐκ τῆς ἀλλοτρίας ἐς τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀναφέρειν, εἰ δὲ μή, ἀργυρέᾳ εὐλάκᾳ εὐλαξεῖν: [3] χρόνῳ δὲ προτρέψαι τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους φεύγοντα αὐτὸν ἐς Λύκαιον διὰ τὴν ἐκ τῆς Ἀττικῆς ποτὲ μετὰ δώρων δοκήσεως ἀναχώρησιν, καὶ ἥμισυ τῆς οἰκίας τοῦ ἱεροῦ τότε τοῦ Διὸς οἰκοῦντα φόβῳ τῷ Λακεδαιμονίων, ἔτει ἑνὸς δέοντι εἰκοστῷ τοῖς ὁμοίοις χοροῖς καὶ θυσίαις καταγαγεῖν ὥσπερ ὅτε τὸ πρῶτον Λακεδαίμονα κτίζοντες τοὺς βασιλέας καθίσταντο. Thuc. 5.13-5.16 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:5.13 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:5.14 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:5.15 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:5.16
Peace of Nicias
Νικίειος ειρήνη
[2] But the Argives, Athenians, Boeotians, and1 those among the Corinthians who had received a share of the money from the King, as well as those who had made themselves chiefly responsible for the war, realizing that if they did not put out of the way the people who had turned toward peace, the state would be in danger of going over to the Lacedaemonians again, undertook, under these circumstances, to bring about a general massacre. And in the first place, they devised the most sacrilegious of all schemes; for other people, even if a man is condemned by process of law, do not put him to death during a religious festival; but these men chose the last day of the Euclea,2 because they thought they would catch more people in the market-place, so as to kill them. Xen. Hell. 4.4.2 Xenophon. Xenophon in Seven Volumes, 1 and 2. Carleton L. Brownson. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA; William Heinemann, Ltd., London. vol. 1:1918; vol. 2: 1921. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0206%3Abook%3D4%3Achapter%3D4%3Asection%3D2
[2] γνόντες δ᾽ οἱ Ἀργεῖοι καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Βοιωτοὶ καὶ Κορινθίων οἵ τε τῶν παρὰ βασιλέως χρημάτων μετεσχηκότες καὶ οἱ τοῦ πολέμου αἰτιώτατοι γεγενημένοι ὡς εἰ μὴ ἐκποδὼν ποιήσοιντο τοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν εἰρήνην τετραμμένους, κινδυνεύσει πάλιν ἡ πόλις λακωνίσαι, οὕτω δὴ σφαγὰς ἐπεχείρουν ποιεῖσθαι. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τὸ πάντων ἀνοσιώτατον ἐβουλεύσαντο: οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλοι, κἂν νόμῳ τις καταγνωσθῇ, οὐκ ἀποκτιννύουσιν ἐν ἑορτῇ: ἐκεῖνοι δ᾽ Εὐκλείων τὴν τελευταίαν προείλοντο, ὅτι πλείους ἂν ᾤοντο λαβεῖν ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ, ὥστε ἀποκτεῖναι. Xen. Hell. 4.4.2 Xenophon. Xenophontis opera omnia, vol. 1. Oxford, Clarendon Press. 1900 (repr. 1968). http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-grc1:4.4.2
Peloponnese war
Greco-Persian Wars
Persian Wars
Μηδικά
Περσικοί Πόλεμοι
Pythodelos eponymous archon in Athens
Ο Πυθόδηλος επώνυμος άρχων στην Αθήνα
The Seleucid War (192–188 BC), also known as the War of Antiochos or the Syrian War, was a military conflict between two coalitions led by the Roman Republic and the Seleucid Empire. The fighting took place in modern day southern Greece, the Aegean Sea and Asia Minor. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roman–Seleucid_War
1. The same winter the Athenians, with greater forces than they had before sent out with Laches and Eurymedon, resolved to go again into Sicily, and, if they could, wholly to subdue it, being for the most part ignorant both of the greatness of the island, and of the multitude of people, as well Greeks as barbarians, that inhabited the same, and that they undertook a war not much less than the war against the Peloponnesians. [2] For the compass of Sicily is little less than eight days' sail for a ship; and though so great, is yet divided with no more than twenty furlongs, sea measure, from the continent. Thuc. 6.1 The English works of Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury. Thucydides. Thomas Hobbes. translator. London. Bohn. 1843. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng1:6.1
1. τοῦ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος Ἀθηναῖοι ἐβούλοντο αὖθις μείζονι παρασκευῇ τῆς μετὰ Λάχητος καὶ Εὐρυμέδοντος ἐπὶ Σικελίαν πλεύσαντες καταστρέψασθαι, εἰ δύναιντο, ἄπειροι οἱ πολλοὶ ὄντες τοῦ μεγέθους τῆς νήσου καὶ τῶν ἐνοικούντων τοῦ πλήθους καὶ Ἑλλήνων καὶ βαρβάρων, καὶ ὅτι οὐ πολλῷ τινὶ ὑποδεέστερον πόλεμον ἀνῃροῦντο ἢ τὸν πρὸς Πελοποννησίους. [2] Σικελίας γὰρ περίπλους μέν ἐστιν ὁλκάδι οὐ πολλῷ τινὶ ἔλασσον ἢ ὀκτὼ ἡμερῶν, καὶ τοσαύτη οὖσα ἐν εἰκοσισταδίῳ μάλιστα μέτρῳ τῆς θαλάσσης διείργεται τὸ μὴ ἤπειρος εἶναι: Thuc. 6.1 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:6.1
Sicilian expedition
Σικελική εκστρατεία
Thirty Year Peace
Τριακοντούτεις Σπονδές
Τριακοντούτεις Σπονδαί
Xenophon Athenian general at the batlle of Spartolos
accesion to the throne of Alexander the Great
άνοδος στο θρόνο του Μεγάλου Αλεξάνδρου
44. Such were the words of the Corinthians. The Athenians heard both sides, and they held two assemblies; in the first of them they were more influenced by the words of the Corinthians, but in the second they changed their minds and inclined towards the Corcyraeans. They would not go so far as to make an alliance both offensive and defensive with them; for then, if the Corcyraeans had required them to join in an expedition against Corinth, the treaty with the Peloponnesians would have been broken. But they concluded a defensive league, by which the two states promised to aid each other if an attack were made on the territory or on the allies of either. [2] For they knew that in any case the war with Peloponnesus was inevitable, and they had no mind to let Corcyra and her navy fall into the hands of the Corinthians. Their plan3 was to embroil them more and more with one another, and then, when the war came, the Corinthians and the other naval powers would be weaker. [3] They also considered that Corcyra was conveniently situated for the coast voyage to Italy and Sicily. 45. Under the influence of these feelings, they received the Corcyraeans into alliance; the Corinthians departed; [2] and the Athenians now despatched to Corcyra ten ships commanded by Lacedaemonius the son of Cimon, Diotimus the son of Strombichus, and Proteas the son of Epicles. [3] The commanders received orders not to engage with the Corinthians unless they sailed against Corcyra or to any place belonging to the Corcyraeans, and attempted to land there, in which case they were to resist them to the utmost. These orders were intended to prevent a breach of the treaty. Thuc. 1.44-1.45 Thucydides translated into English; with introduction, marginal analysis, notes, and indices. Volume 1. Thucydides. Benjamin Jowett. translator. Oxford. Clarendon Press. 1881. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng2:1.44 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng2:1.45
44. τοιαῦτα δὲ καὶ οἱ Κορίνθιοι εἶπον. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ἀκούσαντες ἀμφοτέρων, γενομένης καὶ δὶς ἐκκλησίας, τῇ μὲν προτέρᾳ οὐχ ἧσσον τῶν Κορινθίων ἀπεδέξαντο τοὺς λόγους, ἐν δὲ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ μετέγνωσαν Κερκυραίοις ξυμμαχίαν μὲν μὴ ποιήσασθαι ὥστε τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἐχθροὺς καὶ φίλους νομίζειν （εἰ γὰρ ἐπὶ Κόρινθον ἐκέλευον σφίσιν οἱ Κερκυραῖοι ξυμπλεῖν, ἐλύοντ᾽ ἂν αὐτοῖς αἱ πρὸς Πελοποννησίους σπονδαί）, ἐπιμαχίαν δ᾽ ἐποιήσαντο τῇ ἀλλήλων βοηθεῖν, ἐάν τις ἐπὶ Κέρκυραν ἴῃ ἢ Ἀθήνας ἢ τοὺς τούτων ξυμμάχους. [2] ἐδόκει γὰρ ὁ πρὸς Πελοποννησίους πόλεμος καὶ ὣς ἔσεσθαι αὐτοῖς, καὶ τὴν Κέρκυραν ἐβούλοντο μὴ προέσθαι τοῖς Κορινθίοις ναυτικὸν ἔχουσαν τοσοῦτον, ξυγκρούειν δὲ ὅτι μάλιστα αὐτοὺς ἀλλήλοις, ἵνα ἀσθενεστέροις οὖσιν, ἤν τι δέῃ, Κορινθίοις τε καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ναυτικὸν ἔχουσιν ἐς πόλεμον καθιστῶνται. [3] ἅμα δὲ τῆς τε Ἰταλίας καὶ Σικελίας καλῶς ἐφαίνετο αὐτοῖς ἡ νῆσος ἐν παράπλῳ κεῖσθαι. 45. τοιαύτῃ μὲν γνώμῃ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τοὺς Κερκυραίους προσεδέξαντο, καὶ τῶν Κορινθίων ἀπελθόντων οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον δέκα ναῦς αὐτοῖς ἀπέστειλαν βοηθούς: [2] ἐστρατήγει δὲ αὐτῶν Λακεδαιμόνιός τε ὁ Κίμωνος καὶ Διότιμος ὁ Στρομβίχου καὶ Πρωτέας ὁ Ἐπικλέους. [3] προεῖπον δὲ αὐτοῖς μὴ ναυμαχεῖν Κορινθίοις, ἢν μὴ ἐπὶ Κέρκυραν πλέωσι καὶ μέλλωσιν ἀποβαίνειν ἢ ἐς τῶν ἐκείνων τι χωρίων: οὕτω δὲ κωλύειν κατὰ δύναμιν. προεῖπον δὲ ταῦτα τοῦ μὴ λύειν ἕνεκα τὰς σπονδάς. Thuc. 1.44-1.45 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.44 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.45
Assassination of Julius Caesar
Δολοφονία του Ιούλιου Καίσαρα
λέγεται δὴ Φίλιππος μὲν τελευτῆσαι ἐπὶ ἄρχοντος Πυθοδήλου Ἀθήνησι: παραλαβόντα δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν Ἀλέξανδρον, παῖδα ὄντα Φιλίππου, ἐς Πελοπόννησον παρελθεῖν: εἶναι δὲ τότε ἀμφὶ τὰ εἴκοσιν ἔτη Ἀλέξανδρον. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0074.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.1
assassination of Philip II, king of Macedon
δολοφονία του Φιλίππου Β', βασιλιά της Μακεδονίας
After this, not many days later, Thymochares came from Athens with a few ships; and thereupon the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians fought another naval battle, and the Lacedaemonians were victorious, under the leadership of Agesandridas. [2] Shortly after this, at the beginning of the winter, Dorieus, the son of Diagoras, sailed into the Hellespont from Rhodes with fourteen ships, arriving at daybreak. And when the Athenian day-watcher described him, he signalled to the generals, and they put out against him with twenty ships; and Dorieus, fleeing from them towards the shore, beached his triremes, as fast as he got them clear of the enemy, in the neighbourhood of Rhoeteum. [3] And when the Athenians came near, the men under Dorieus fought, from their ships and from the shore, until the Athenians sailed away to Madytus, to the rest of their fleet, without having accomplished anything. [4] Now Mindarus caught sight of the battle as he was sacrificing to Athena at Ilium, and hurrying to the sea he launched his triremes and set out, in order to pick up the ships under Dorieus. [5] And the Athenians set out against him and did battle, along the strand near Abydus, from morning till late afternoon. They were at some points victorious and at others defeated, when Alcibiades sailed into the Hellespont to their support, with eighteen ships.[6] Thereupon the Peloponnesians took to flight in the direction of Abydus; and Pharnabazus came along the shore to their aid, and riding his horse into the sea as far as possible, bore a share in the fighting and cheered on his followers, cavalry and infantry. [7] Meanwhile the Peloponnesians made a barrier of their ships and marshalled themselves on the shore and fought. At length the Athenians sailed away to Sestus after capturing thirty of the enemy's ships, though without their crews, and recovering those which they had previously lost themselves. Xen. Hell. 1.1.1 Xenophon. Xenophon in Seven Volumes, 1 and 2. Carleton L. Brownson. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA; William Heinemann, Ltd., London. vol. 1:1918; vol. 2: 1921. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:1.1
μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα οὐ πολλαῖς ἡμέραις ὕστερον ἦλθεν ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν Θυμοχάρης ἔχων ναῦς ὀλίγας: καὶ εὐθὺς ἐναυμάχησαν αὖθις Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐνίκησαν δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἡγουμένου Ἀγησανδρίδου. [2] μετ᾽ ὀλίγον δὲ τούτων Δωριεὺς ὁ Διαγόρου ἐκ Ῥόδου εἰς Ἑλλήσποντον εἰσέπλει ἀρχομένου χειμῶνος τέτταρσι καὶ δέκα ναυσὶν ἅμα ἡμέρᾳ. κατιδὼν δὲ ὁ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἡμεροσκόπος ἐσήμηνε τοῖς στρατηγοῖς. οἱ δὲ ἀνηγάγοντο ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν εἴκοσι ναυσίν, ἃς ὁ Δωριεὺς φυγὼν πρὸς τὴν γῆν ἀνεβίβαζε τὰς αὑτοῦ τριήρεις, ὡς ἤνοιγε, περὶ τὸ Ῥοίτειον. [3] ἐγγὺς δὲ γενομένων τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐμάχοντο ἀπό τε τῶν νεῶν καὶ τῆς γῆς μέχρι οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀπέπλευσαν εἰς Μάδυτον πρὸς τὸ ἄλλο στρατόπεδον οὐδὲν πράξαντες. [4] Μίνδαρος δὲ κατιδὼν τὴν μάχην ἐν Ἰλίῳ θύων τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ, ἐβοήθει ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατταν, καὶ καθελκύσας τὰς ἑαυτοῦ τριήρεις ἀπέπλει, ὅπως ἀναλάβοι τὰς μετὰ Δωριέως. [5] οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀνταναγαγόμενοι ἐναυμάχησαν περὶ Ἄβυδον κατὰ τὴν ᾐόνα, μέχρι δείλης ἐξ ἑωθινοῦ. καὶ τὰ μὲν νικώντων, τὰ δὲ νικωμένων, Ἀλκιβιάδης ἐπεισπλεῖ δυοῖν δεούσαις εἴκοσι ναυσίν. [6] ἐντεῦθεν δὲ φυγὴ τῶν Πελοποννησίων ἐγένετο πρὸς τὴν Ἄβυδον: καὶ ὁ Φαρνάβαζος παρεβοήθει, καὶ ἐπεισβαίνων τῷ ἵππῳ εἰς τὴν θάλατταν μέχρι δυνατὸν ἦν ἐμάχετο, καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις τοῖς αὑτοῦ ἱππεῦσι καὶ πεζοῖς παρεκελεύετο. [7] συμφράξαντες δὲ τὰς ναῦς οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ παραταξάμενοι πρὸς τῇ γῇ ἐμάχοντο. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ἀπέπλευσαν, τριάκοντα ναῦς τῶν πολεμίων λαβόντες κενὰς καὶ ἃς αὐτοὶ ἀπώλεσαν κομισάμενοι, εἰς Σηστόν. Xen. Hell. 1.1.1-Xen. Hell. 1.1.7 Xenophon. Xenophontis opera omnia, vol. 1. Oxford, Clarendon Press. 1900 (repr. 1968). http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.1
[20] Now the Athenians had been sailing in the wake of Lysander's fleet, and they anchored at Elaeus, in the Chersonese, with one hundred and eighty ships. While they were breakfasting there, the news about Lampsacus was reported to them, and they set out immediately to Sestus. [21] From there, as soon as they had provisioned, they sailed to Aegospotami, which is opposite Lampsacus, the Hellespont at this point being about fifteen stadia wide. There they took dinner. [22] And during the ensuing night, when early dawn came, Lysander gave the signal for his men to take breakfast and embark upon their ships, and after making everything ready for battle and stretching the side screens,1 he gave orders that no one should stir from his position or put out. [23] At sunrise the Athenians formed their ships in line for battle at the mouth of the harbour. Since, however, Lysander did not put out against them, they sailed back again, when it grew late in the day, to Aegospotami. [24] Thereupon Lysander ordered the swiftest of his ships to follow the Athenians and, when they had disembarked, to observe what they did, and then to sail back and report to him; and he did not disembark his men from their vessels until these scout-ships had returned. This he did for four days; and the Athenians continued to sail out and offer battle. [25] Meantime Alcibiades, who could discern from his castle that the Athenians were1 moored on an open shore, with no city near by, and were fetching their provisions from Sestus, a distance of fifteen stadia from their ships, while the enemy, being in a harbour and near a city, had everything needful, told the Athenians that they were not moored in a good place, and advised them to shift their anchorage to Sestus and thus gain a harbour and a city; “for if you are there,” he said, “you will be able to fight when you please.” [26] The generals, however, and especially Tydeus and Menander, bade him be gone; for they said that they were in command now, not he. So he went away. [27] And now Lysander, on the fifth day the Athenians sailed out against him, told his men, who followed them back, that as soon as they saw that the enemy had disembarked and had scattered up and down the Chersonese, —and the Athenians did this far more freely every day, not only because they bought their provisions at a distance, but also because they presumed to think lightly of Lysander for not putting out to meet them,—they were to sail back to him and to hoist a shield when midway in their course. And they did just as he had ordered. [28] Straightway Lysander gave a signal to his fleet to sail with all speed, and Thorax with his troops went with the fleet. Now when Conon saw the oncoming attack, he signalled the Athenians to hasten with all their might to their ships. But since his men were scattered here and there, some of the ships had but two banks of oars manned, some but one, and some were entirely empty; Conon's own ship, indeed, and seven others accompanying him, which were fully manned, put to sea in close order, and the Paralus with them, but all the rest Lysander captured on the beach. He also gathered up on the shore most of the men of their crews; some, however, gained the shelter of the neighbouring strongholds. [29] But when Conon, fleeing with his nine ships, realized that the Athenian cause was lost, he put in at Abarnis, the promontory of Lampsacus, and there seized the cruising sails that belonged to Lysander's ships; then he sailed away with eight ships to seek refuge with Euagoras in Cyprus, while the Paralus went to Athens with the tidings of what had happened. [30] As for Lysander, he took his prizes and prisoners and everything else back to Lampsacus, the prisoners including Philocles, Adeimantus, and some of the other generals. Furthermore, on the day when he achieved this victory he sent Theopompus, the Milesian buccaneer, to Lacedaemon to report what had happened, and Theopompus arrived and delivered his message on the third day. [31] After this Lysander gathered together the allies and bade them deliberate regarding the disposition to be made of the prisoners. Thereupon many charges began to be urged against the Athenians, not only touching the outrages they had already committed and what they had voted to do if they were victorious in the battle, —namely, to cut off the right hand of every man taken alive,—but also the fact that after capturing two triremes, one a Corinthian and the other an Andrian, they had thrown the crews overboard to a man. And it was Philocles, one of the Athenian generals, who had thus made away with these men. [32] Many other stories were told, and it was finally resolved to put to death all of the prisoners who were Athenians, with the exception of Adeimantus, because he was the one man who in the Athenian Assembly had opposed the decree in regard to cutting off the hands of captives; he was charged, however, by some people with having betrayed the fleet. As to Philocles, who threw overboard the Andrians and Corinthians, Lysander first asked him what he deserved to suffer for having begun outrageous practices towards Greeks, and then had his throat cut. Xen. Hell. 2.1.20 Xenophon. Xenophon in Seven Volumes, 1 and 2. Carleton L. Brownson. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA; William Heinemann, Ltd., London. vol. 1:1918; vol. 2: 1921. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:2.1.20 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:2.1.21 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:2.1.22 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:2.1.23 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:2.1.24 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:2.1.25 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:2.1.26 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:2.1.27 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:2.1.28 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:2.1.29 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:2.1.30 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:2.1.31 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:2.1.32
102. During the same winter, Brasidas and his Chalcidian allies made an expedition against1 Amphipolis upon the river Strymon, the Athenian colony. [2] The place where the city now stands is the same which Aristagoras of Miletus in days of old, when he was fleeing from King2 Darius, attempted to colonise; he was driven out by the Edonians3. Two and thirty years afterwards the4 Athenians made another attempt; they sent a colony of ten thousand, made up partly of their own citizens, partly of any others who liked to join; but these also were attacked by the Thracians at Drabescus, and perished5. [3] Twenty-nine years later the Athenians came again, under the leadership of Hagnon the son of Nicias, drove out the Edonians, and built a town on the same6 spot, which was formerly called 'The Nine Ways.' Their base of operations was Eion, a market and seaport which they already possessed, at the mouth of the river, about three miles from the site of the present town. Wanting to enclose the newly-founded city, which on two sides is surrounded by the river Strymon, Hagnon cut it off by a long wall reaching from the upper part of the river to the lower, and called the place Amphipolis, because it strikes the eye both by sea and land. 103. Against Amphipolis Brasidas now led his army. Starting from Arnae in Chalcidicè, towards evening he reached Aulon and Bromiscus at the point where the lake Bolbè flows into the sea; having there supped, he marched on during the night. The weather was wintry and somewhat snowy; [2] and so he pushed on all the quicker; he was hoping that his approach might be known at Amphipolis only to those who were in the secret. [3] There dwelt in the place settlers from Argilus, a town which was originally colonised from Andros; these and others aided in the attempt, instigated some by Perdiccas, others by the Chalcidians. [4] The town of Argilus is not far off, and the inhabitants were always suspected by the Athenians, and were always conspiring against Amphipolis. For some time past, ever since the arrival of Brasidas had given them an opportunity, they had been concerting measures with their countrymen inside the walls for the surrender of the city. They now revolted from the Athenians on that very night, and received him into their town, and before dawn2 they conducted the army to the bridge over the river, which is at some distance from the town. [5] At that time no walls had been built down to the river, as they have since been; a small guard was posted there. Brasidas easily overcame the guard, owing partly to the plot within the walls, partly to the severity of the weather and the suddenness of his attack; he then crossed the bridge, and at once was master of all the possessions of the Amphipolitans outside the walls. For they lived scattered about in the country. 104. The passage of the river was a complete surprise to the citizens within the walls. Many who happened to be outside were taken. Others fled into the town. The Amphipolitans were in great consternation, for they suspected one another. [2] It is even said that Brasidas, if, instead of allowing his army to plunder, he had marched direct to the place, would probably have captured it. [3] But he merely occupied a position, and overran the country outside the walls; and then, finding that his confederates within failed in accomplishing their part, he took no further step. [4] Meanwhile the opponents of the conspirators, being superior in number, prevented the immediate opening of the gates, and acting with Eucles, the general to whose care the place had been committed by the Athenians, sent for help to the other general in Chalcidicè, Thucydides the son of Olorus, who wrote this history; he was then at Thasos, an island colonised from Paros, and distant from Amphipolis about half a day's sail. [5] As soon as he heard the tidings he sailed quickly to Amphipolis with seven ships which happened to be on the spot; he wanted to get into Amphipolis if possible before it could capitulate, or at any rate to occupy Eion. 105. Meanwhile Brasidas, fearing the arrival of the ships from Thasos, and hearing that Thucydides had the right of working gold mines in the neighboring district of Thrace, and was consequently one of the leading men of the country, did his utmost to get possession of the city before his arrival. He was afraid that, if Thucydides once came, the people of Amphipolis would no longer be disposed to surrender. For their hope would be that he would bring in allies from the islands or maritime towns or from the interior of Thrace, and relieve them. [2] He therefore offered moderate terms, proclaiming that any Amphipolitan or Athenian might either remain in the city and have the enjoyment of his property on terms of equality; or, if he preferred, might depart, taking his goods with him, within five days. 106. When the people heard the proclamation they began to waver; for very few of the citizens were Athenians, the greater number1 being a mixed multitude. Many within the walls were relatives of those who had been captured outside. In their alarm they thought the terms reasonable; the Athenian population because they were too glad to withdraw, reflecting how much greater their share of the danger was, and not expecting speedy relief; the rest of the people because they retained all their existing rights, and were delivered from a fate which seemed inevitable. [2] The partisans of Brasidas now proceeded to justify his proposals without disguise, for they saw that the mind of the whole people had changed, and that they no longer paid any regard to the Athenian general who was on the spot. [3] So his terms were accepted, and the city was surrendered and delivered up to him. On the evening of the same day Thucydides and his ships sailed into Eion, but not until Brasidas had taken possession of Amphipolis, missing Eion only by a night. [4] For if the ships had not come to the rescue with all speed, the place would have been in his hands on the next morning. Thuc. 4.102-4.106 Thucydides translated into English; with introduction, marginal analysis, notes, and indices. Volume 1. Thucydides. Benjamin Jowett. translator. Oxford. Clarendon Press. 1881. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng2:4.102 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng2:4.103 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng2:4.104 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng2:4.105 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng2:4.106
102. The same winter Brasidas, with his allies in the Thracian places, marched against Amphipolis, the Athenian colony on the river Strymon. [2] A settlement upon the spot on which the city now stands, was before attempted by Aristagoras, the Milesian （when he fled from king Darius）, who was however dislodged by the Edonians; and thirty-two years later by the Athenians, who sent thither ten thousand settlers of their own citizens, and whoever else chose to go. These were cut off at Drabescus by the Thracians. [3] Twenty-nine years after, the Athenians returned （Hagnon, son of Nicias, being sent out as a leader of the colony） and drove out the Edonians, and founded a town on the spot, formerly called Ennea-hodoi or Nine Ways. The base from which they started was Eion, their commercial seaport at the mouth of the river, not more than three miles from the present town, which Hagnon named Amphipolis, because the Strymon flows round it on two sides, and he built it so as to be conspicuous from the sea and land alike, running a long wall across from river to river, to complete the circumference. Thuc. 4.102 Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:4.102
Battle of Amphipolis
Μάχη της Αμφίπολης
6. In the ensuing year—the year in which there1 was an eclipse of the moon one evening, and the old temple2 of Athena at Athens was burned, Pityas being now ephor at Sparta and Callias archon at Athens—the Lacedaemonians sent Callicratidas to take command3 of the fleet, since Lysander's term of office had ended (and with it the twenty-fourth year of the war). [2] And when Lysander delivered over the ships, he told Callicratidas that he did so as master of the sea and victor in battle. Callicratidas, however, bade him coast along from Ephesus on the left of Samos, where the Athenian ships were, and deliver over the fleet at Miletus; then, he said, he would grant him that he was master of the sea. [3] But when Lysander replied that he would not meddle when another was commander, Callicratidas, left to himself, manned with sailors from Chios and Rhodes and other allied states fifty ships in addition to those which he had received from Lysander. And after assembling the entire fleet, a total of one hundred and forty ships, he prepared to meet the enemy. [4] But when he found out that Lysander's friends were intriguing against him,—they not only rendered half-hearted service, but also spread the report in the cities that the Lacedaemonians made a serious mistake in changing their admirals; for in place of men who were proving themselves fit and were just coming to understand naval matters and knew well how to deal with men, they frequently sent out men who were unacquainted with the sea and unknown to the people near the seat of war; and there was danger, they said, of their meeting with disaster on this account,—after hearing of all this Callicratidas called together the Lacedaemonians who were there and addressed them4 as follows: [5] “I, for my part, am content to stay at home, and if Lysander or anyone else professes to be more experienced in naval affairs, I will not stand in his way so far as I am concerned; but it is I who have been sent by the state to command the fleet, and I cannot do otherwise than obey my orders to the best of my power. As for you, in view of the ambition which I cherish and the criticisms which our state incurs,—and you know them as well as I do,—give me whatever advice seems to you best on the question of my remaining here or sailing back home to report the conditions which exist here.” [6] Since no one dared to propose anything else than that he should obey the authorities at home and do the work for which he had come, he went to Cyrus and asked for pay for the sailors; Cyrus, however, told him to wait for two days. [7] But Callicratidas, indignant at being thus put off and driven to anger by having to dance attendance at his gates, declaring that the Greeks were in a sorry plight, toadying to barbarians for the sake of money, and saying that if he reached home in safety he would do his best to reconcile the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians, sailed away to Miletus; [8] and after despatching triremes from there to Lacedaemon to get money, he gathered the Milesians in assembly and spoke as follows: “Upon me, men of Miletus, lies the necessity of obeying the authorities at home; and as for you, I claim that you should show the utmost zeal in this war, because you dwell among barbarians and in the past have suffered very many ills at their hands. [9] And you should as leaders5 show the other allies how we may inflict the utmost harm upon the enemy in the shortest time, until the people return from Lacedaemon whom I have sent thither to get money; [10] for the money which Lysander had on hand he gave back to Cyrus, as though it were unneeded surplus, and went his way; and as for Cyrus, whenever I visited him he invariably put off giving me an audience, and I could not bring myself to dance attendance at his gates. [11] But I promise you that for whatever good results we achieve while we are waiting for the funds from Sparta I will make you an adequate return. Let us then, with the help of the gods, show the barbarians that even without paying court to them we can punish our enemies.” [12] When he had said this, many arose, particularly those who were accused of opposing him, and in alarm proposed a grant of money, offering private contributions as well. And taking this money and supplying from Chios a payment of five drachmae apiece for his seamen, he sailed against Methymna, in Lesbos, which was hostile. [13] And when the Methymnaeans refused to surrender,—for there was an Athenian garrison in the place and those who had control of the government were partisans of Athens, —Callicratidas attacked the city and captured it by storm. [14] All the property which it contained the soldiers seized as booty, but all the captives Callicratidas assembled in the market-place; and when his allies urged him to sell into slavery the Methymnaeans as well as the Athenians, he said that while he was commander no Greek should be enslaved if6 he could help it. [15] Accordingly on the next day he let the Methymnaeans go free, but sold the members of the Athenian garrison7 and such of the captives as were slaves; then he sent word to Conon that he would put a stop to his playing the wanton with his bride, the sea. And when he caught sight of Conon putting out to sea at daybreak, he pursued him, aiming to cut off his course to Samos, so that he could not direct his flight thither. [16] Conon's ships, however, made good speed as he fled, because the best oarsmen had been picked out of a great many crews and assembled in a few; in the end he sought refuge in the harbour of Mytilene, in Lesbos, and with him two more of the ten generals, Leon and Erasinides. But Callicratidas, pursuing with one hundred and seventy ships, sailed into the harbour simultaneously. [17] And Conon, thwarted in his plan by the enemy's swiftness, was forced to give battle at the mouth of the harbour and lost thirty ships; their crews, however, escaped to the land; and the remainder of his ships, forty in number, he drew up on shore under the wall of the city. [18] Thereupon Callicratidas anchored in the harbour and blockaded him on that side, holding the outlet to the sea. As for the land side, he summoned the Methymnaeans to come to his aid with their entire force and brought over his army from Chios; and money came to him from Cyrus. [19] When Conon found himself blockaded both by land and by sea, and was unable to procure provisions from anywhere,—and the people in the city were8 many, and the Athenians could not come to his aid because they had not learned of these events,—he launched two of his fastest ships and manned them before daybreak, picking out the best oarsmen from his whole fleet, shifting the marines to the hold of the ships, and setting up the side screens.9 [20] They continued in this way through the day, but each evening he had them disembark when darkness came on, so that the enemy might not perceive that they were so doing. On the fifth day they put on board a moderate quantity of provisions, and when it came to be midday and the blockaders were careless and some of them asleep, they rowed out of the harbour, and one of the ships set out for the Hellespont and the other to the open sea. [21] And the blockaders, as they severally got their ships clear of one another, cutting away their anchors and rousing themselves from sleep, hastened to the pursuit in confusion, for it chanced that they had been breakfasting on the shore; and when they had embarked, they pursued the vessel which had made for the open sea, and at sunset they overhauled her and, after capturing her in battle, took her in tow and brought her back, men and all, to their fleet. [22] But the ship which fled toward the Hellespont escaped, and on its arrival at Athens reported the blockade. Meanwhile Diomedon, seeking to aid Conon, blockaded as he was, anchored with twelve ships in the strait of Mytilene. [23] Callicratidas, however, sailed down upon him suddenly and captured ten of his ships, Diomedon escaping with his own ship and one other. [24] When the Athenians heard of what had happened10 and of the blockade, they voted to go to the rescue with one hundred and ten ships, putting aboard all who were of military age, whether slave11 or free; and within thirty days they manned the one hundred and ten ships and set forth. Even the knights12 went aboard in considerable numbers. [25] After this they sailed to Samos and from there got ten Samian ships; they collected also more than thirty others from the rest of the allies, forcing everybody to embark, and in like manner whatever Athenian ships happened to be abroad. And the total number of the ships came to more than one hundred and fifty. [26] Now Callicratidas, when he heard that the relief expedition was already at Samos, left behind him at Mytilene fifty ships with Eteonicus as commander, and setting sail with the remaining one hundred and twenty, took dinner at Cape Malea in Lesbos. [27] On the same day it chanced that the Athenians took dinner on the Arginusae islands. These lie opposite Mytilene.13 [28] And when Callicratidas saw their fires during the night and people reported to him that it was the Athenians, he proposed to put to sea at about midnight, in order to attack them unexpectedly; but a heavy rain coming on, with thunder, prevented the setting out. And when it ceased, he sailed at daybreak for the Arginusae. [29] The Athenians stood out to meet him, extending their left wing out to sea and arranged in the following order: Aristocrates, in command of the14 left wing, led the way with fifteen ships, and next in order Diomedon with fifteen more; and Pericles was stationed behind Aristocrates and Erasinides behind Diomedon; and beside Diomedon were the Samians with ten ships, drawn up in single line; and their commander was a Samian named Hippeus; and next to them were the ten ships of the taxiarchs,15 also in single line; and behind these the three ships of the nauarchs16 and also some ships from the allies; [30] and the right wing was under the command of Protomachus, with fifteen ships; and beside him was Thrasyllus with fifteen more; and Lysias, with the same number of ships, was stationed behind Protomachus, and Aristogenes behind Thrasyllus. [31] The ships were arranged in this way so as not to give the enemy a chance of breaking through17 the line; for the Athenians were inferior in seamanship. But all the vessels of the Lacedaemonians were arranged in single line, with a view to breaking through the enemy and circling round him, inasmuch as they had superior seamen. And Callicratidas was on the right wing. [32] Now Hermon the Megarian, the pilot of Callicratidas' ship, said to him that it was well to sail away; for the triremes of the Athenians were far more numerous. Callicratidas, however, said that Sparta would fare none the worse if he were killed, but flight, he said, would be a disgrace. [33] After this they fell to fighting, and fought for a long time, their ships at first in close order and afterwards18 scattered. But when Callicratidas, as his ship rammed an enemy, fell overboard into the sea and disappeared, and Protomachus and those with him on the right wing defeated the opposing Lacedaemonian left, then began a flight of the Peloponnesians to Chios, though very many went to Phocaea; while the Athenians sailed back to the Arginusae. [34] The loss on the Athenian side was twenty-five ships, crews and all, with the exception of a few men who were brought to shore, and on the Peloponnesian side nine Laconian ships, out of a total of ten, and more than sixty ships of the allies. [35] After this victory it was resolved by the Athenian generals that Theramenes and Thrasybulus, who were ship-captains, and some of the taxiarchs, should sail with forty-seven ships to the aid of the disabled vessels and the men on board them, while they themselves went with the rest of the fleet to attack the ships under Eteonicus which were blockading Mytilene. But despite their desire to carry out these measures, the wind and a heavy storm which came on prevented them; accordingly, after setting up a trophy, they bivouacked where they were. [36] As for Eteonicus, the dispatch-boat reported to him the whole story of the battle. He, however, sent the boat out again, telling those who were in it to sail out of the harbour in silence and not talk with anyone, and then to sail back immediately to his fleet, wearing garlands and shouting that Callicratidas had been victorious in battle and that all the ships of the Athenians had been destroyed. [37] This they proceeded to do; and when they were sailing in, Eteonicus began to offer sacrifices for the good19 news, and gave orders that the soldiers should take their dinner, that the traders should put their goods into their boats in silence and sail off to Chios (for the wind was favourable), and that the triremes also should sail thither with all speed. [38] And he himself led his land forces back to Methymna, after setting fire to their camp. Conon now launched his ships, and, since the enemy had stolen away and the wind was quieter, went to meet the Athenians, who had by this time set out from the Arginusae, and told them what Eteonicus had done. The Athenians put in to Mytilene, sailed thence against Chios, and, accomplishing nothing there, sailed back towards Samos. 1 406 B.C. 2 On the Acropolis. On its identity see D'Ooge, Acropolis of Athens, Appendix III. 3 406 B.C. 4 406 B.C. 5 406 B.C. 6 406 B.C. 7 I.e., Callicratidas agrees with his allies in regarding the sale of the Athenians as a matter of course. What he objected to was the enslaving of the inhabitants of captured towns which had chanced to be in possession of the Athenians. 8 406 B.C. 9 Temporary screens set up along the bulwarks, ordinarily serving for protection against missiles, here for concealment. 10 406 B.C. 11 It was only in rare cases that the Athenians employed slaves for military service. 12 Who were ordinarily exempt from service at sea. 13 That is, between Lesbos and the mainland of Asia Minor. 14 406 B.C. 15 Ten taxiarchs, one for each Athenian tribe, commanded the contingents (τάξεις) furnished by their several tribes. 16 Manifestly subordinate officers, but the precise meaning of the title in the Athenian navy is unknown. 17 The διέκπλους consisted in driving at full speed between two ships of the enemy's line,—breaking oars and inflicting any other possible damage on the way,—and then turning to attack the sterns or sides of the hostile ships. In the περίπλους the same object was accomplished by rowing around the end of the enemy's line. 18 406 B.C. 19 406 B.C. Xen. Hell. 1.6 Xenophon. Xenophon in Seven Volumes, 1 and 2. Carleton L. Brownson. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA; William Heinemann, Ltd., London. vol. 1:1918; vol. 2: 1921. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:1.6
http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:1.6 Xen. Hell. 1.6
Arginoussai battle
Ναυμαχία των Αργινουσσών
Arginusae see battle
battle of Coroneia
μάχη στην Κορώνεια
104. After this they engaged in the following way. The Athenians formed in column and sailed close along shore to Sestos; upon perceiving which the Peloponnesians put out from Abydos to meet them. [2] Realising that a battle was now imminent, both combatants extended their flank; the Athenians along the Chersonese from Idacus to Arrhiani with seventy-six ships; the Peloponnesians from Abydos to Dardanus with eighty-six. [3] The Peloponnesian right wing was occupied by the Syracusans, their left by Mindarus in person with the best sailors in the navy; the Athenian left by Thrasyllus, their right by Thrasybulus, the other commanders being in different parts of the fleet. [4] The Peloponnesians hastened to engage first, and outflanking with their left the Athenian right sought to cut them off, if possible, from sailing out of the straits, and to drive their centre upon the shore, which was not far off. The Athenians perceiving their intention extended their own wing and outsailed them, [5] while their left had by this time passed the point of Cynossema. This, however, obliged them to thin and weaken their centre, especially as they had fewer ships than the enemy, and as the coast round Point Cynossema formed a sharp angle which prevented their seeing what was going on on the other side of it. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:8.104 Thuc. 8.104 Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910.
104. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ἐναυμάχουν τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι παρέπλεον ἐπὶ κέρως ταξάμενοι παρ᾽ αὐτὴν τὴν γῆν ἐπὶ τῆς Σηστοῦ, οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι αἰσθόμενοι ἐκ τῆς Ἀβύδου ἀντανῆγον καὶ αὐτοί. [2] καὶ ὡς ἔγνωσαν ναυμαχήσοντες, παρέτειναν τὸ κέρας οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι παρὰ τὴν Χερσόνησον, ἀρξάμενοι ἀπὸ Ἰδάκου μέχρι Ἀρριανῶν, νῆες ἓξ καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα, οἱ δ᾽ αὖ Πελοποννήσιοι ἀπὸ Ἀβύδου μέχρι Δαρδάνου, νῆες ἓξ καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα. [3] κέρας δὲ τοῖς μὲν Πελοποννησίοις εἶχον τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν Συρακόσιοι, τὸ δ᾽ ἕτερον αὐτὸς Μίνδαρος καὶ τῶν νεῶν αἱ ἄριστα πλέουσαι, Ἀθηναίοις δὲ τὸ μὲν ἀριστερὸν Θράσυλος, ὁ δὲ Θρασύβουλος τὸ δεξιόν: οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι στρατηγοὶ ὡς ἕκαστοι διετάξαντο. [4] ἐπειγομένων δὲ τῶν Πελοποννησίων πρότερόν τε ξυμμεῖξαι, καὶ κατὰ μὲν τὸ δεξιὸν τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὑπερσχόντες αὐτοὶ τῷ εὐωνύμῳ ἀποκλῇσαι τοῦ ἔξω αὐτοὺς ἔκπλου, εἰ δύναιντο, κατὰ δὲ τὸ μέσον ἐξῶσαι πρὸς τὴν γῆν οὐχ ἑκὰς οὖσαν, οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι γνόντες, ᾗ μὲν ἐβούλοντο ἀποφάρξασθαι αὐτοὺς οἱ ἐναντίοι, ἀντεπεξῆγον καὶ περιεγίγνοντο τῷ πλῷ, [5] τὸ δ᾽ εὐώνυμον αὐτοῖς ὑπερεβεβλήκει ἤδη τὴν ἄκραν ἣ Κυνὸς σῆμα καλεῖται. τῷ δὲ μέσῳ, τοιούτου ξυμβαίνοντος, ἀσθενέσι καὶ διεσπασμέναις ταῖς ναυσὶ καθίσταντο, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἐλάσσοσι χρώμενοι τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τοῦ χωρίου τοῦ περὶ τὸ Κυνὸς σῆμα ὀξεῖαν καὶ γωνιώδη τὴν περιβολὴν ἔχοντος, ὥστε τὰ ἐν τῷ ἐπέκεινα αὐτοῦ γιγνόμενα μὴ κάτοπτα εἶναι. Thuc. 8.104 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:8.104
Meanwhile the Athenians at Sestus, learning that Mindarus was planning to sail against them with sixty ships, withdrew by night to Cardia. There Alcibiades joined them, coming from Clazomenae with five triremes and a dispatch boat. But upon learning that the Peloponnesian ships had set out from Abydus to Cyzicus, he proceeded overland to Sestus and gave orders that the ships should sail around to that place. [12] When they had arrived there and he was on the point of putting out to sea for battle, Theramenes sailed in from Macedonia with a reinforcement of twenty ships, and at the same time Thrasybulus arrived from Thasos with twenty more, both of them having been engaged in collecting money. [13] And after bidding them also to follow after him when they had removed their cruising sails,6 Alcibiades set off with his own ships to Parium; and when all the ships had come together at Parium, to the number of eighty-six, they set sail during the ensuing night, and on the next day at breakfast time arrived at Proconnesus. [14] There they learned that Mindarus was at Cyzicus, and also Pharnabazus with his army. Accordingly they remained that day at Proconnesus, but on the following day Alcibiades called an assembly of his men and told them that they must needs fight at sea, fight on land, and fight against fortresses. “For we,” he said, “have no money, but the enemy have an abundance of it from the King.” [15] Now on the preceding day, when they had come to anchor, Alcibiades had taken into his custody all the vessels in the harbour, even the small ones, in order that no one should report to the enemy the size of his fleet, and he made proclamation that death would be the punishment of any one who was caught sailing across to the other side of the strait. [16] And after the assembly he made preparations for battle and, in the midst of a heavy rain, set out for Cyzicus. When he7 was near Cyzicus, the weather cleared and the sun came out, and he sighted the ships under Mindarus, sixty in number, engaged in practice at some distance from the harbour and already cut off from it by his own fleet. [17] But the Peloponnesians, when they saw that the Athenian triremes were far more numerous than before and were near the harbour, fled to the shore; and mooring their ships together, they fought with their adversaries as they sailed down upon them. [18] Alcibiades, however, with twenty of his ships sailed round the fleets and landed on the shore. When Mindarus saw this, he also landed, and fell fighting on the shore; and those who were with him fled. And the Athenians took away with them to Proconnesus all the Peloponnesian ships, except those of the Syracusans; for these were burned by their own crews. From Proconnesus the Athenians sailed on the next day against Cyzicus; [19] and the Cyzicenes admitted them, inasmuch as the Peloponnesians and Pharnabazus had evacuated the city. [20] There Alcibiades remained for twenty days, and after obtaining a great deal of money from the Cyzicenes, but without doing any further harm in the city, sailed back to Proconnesus. From there he sailed to Perinthus and Selymbria. [21] Xen. Hell. 1.1 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:1.1
οἱ δ᾽ ἐν Σηστῷ Ἀθηναῖοι, αἰσθόμενοι Μίνδαρον πλεῖν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς μέλλοντα ναυσὶν ἑξήκοντα, νυκτὸς ἀπέδρασαν εἰς Καρδίαν. ἐνταῦθα δὲ καὶ Ἀλκιβιάδης ἧκεν ἐκ τῶν Κλαζομενῶν σὺν πέντε τριήρεσι καὶ ἐπακτρίδι. πυθόμενος δὲ ὅτι αἱ τῶν Πελοποννησίων νῆες ἐξ Ἀβύδου ἀνηγμέναι εἶεν εἰς Κύζικον, αὐτὸς μὲν πεζῇ ἦλθεν εἰς Σηστόν, τὰς δὲ ναῦς περιπλεῖν ἐκεῖσε ἐκέλευσεν. [12] ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἦλθον, ἀνάγεσθαι ἤδη αὐτοῦ μέλλοντος ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμαχίαν ἐπεισπλεῖ Θηραμένης εἴκοσι ναυσὶν ἀπὸ Μακεδονίας, ἅμα δὲ καὶ Θρασύβουλος εἴκοσιν ἑτέραις ἐκ Θάσου, ἀμφότεροι ἠργυρολογηκότες. [13] Ἀλκιβιάδης δὲ εἰπὼν καὶ τούτοις διώκειν αὐτὸν ἐξελομένοις τὰ μεγάλα ἱστία αὐτὸς ἔπλευσεν εἰς Πάριον: ἁθρόαι δὲ γενόμεναι αἱ νῆες ἅπασαι ἐν Παρίῳ ἓξ καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα τῆς ἐπιούσης νυκτὸς ἀνηγάγοντο, καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ ἡμέρᾳ περὶ ἀρίστου ὥραν ἧκον εἰς Προκόννησον. [14] ἐκεῖ δ᾽ ἐπύθοντο ὅτι Μίνδαρος ἐν Κυζίκῳ εἴη καὶ Φαρνάβαζος μετὰ τοῦ πεζοῦ. ταύτην μὲν οὖν τὴν ἡμέραν αὐτοῦ ἔμειναν, τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ Ἀλκιβιάδης ἐκκλησίαν ποιήσας παρεκελεύετο αὐτοῖς ὅτι ἀνάγκη εἴη καὶ ναυμαχεῖν καὶ πεζομαχεῖν καὶ τειχομαχεῖν: οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν, ἔφη, χρήματα ἡμῖν, τοῖς δὲ πολεμίοις ἄφθονα παρὰ βασιλέως. [15] τῇ δὲ προτεραίᾳ, ἐπειδὴ ὡρμίσαντο, τὰ πλοῖα πάντα καὶ τὰ μικρὰ συνήθροισε παρ᾽ ἑαυτόν, ὅπως μηδεὶς ἐξαγγείλαι τοῖς πολεμίοις τὸ πλῆθος τῶν νεῶν, ἐπεκήρυξέ τε, ὃς ἂν ἁλίσκηται εἰς τὸ πέραν διαπλέων, θάνατον τὴν ζημίαν. [16] μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν παρασκευασάμενος ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμαχίαν ἀνηγάγετο ἐπὶ τὴν Κύζικον ὕοντος πολλῷ. ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ ἐγγὺς τῆς Κυζίκου ἦν, αἰθρίας γενομένης καὶ τοῦ ἡλίου ἐκλάμψαντος καθορᾷ τὰς τοῦ Μινδάρου ναῦς γυμναζομένας πόρρω ἀπὸ τοῦ λιμένος καὶ ἀπειλημμένας ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, ἑξήκοντα οὔσας. [17] οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι ἰδόντες τὰς τῶν Ἀθηναίων τριήρεις οὔσας πλείους τε πολλῷ ἢ πρότερον καὶ πρὸς τῷ λιμένι, ἔφυγον εἰς τὴν γῆν: καὶ συνορμίσαντες τὰς ναῦς ἐμάχοντο ἐπιπλέουσι τοῖς ἐναντίοις. [18] Ἀλκιβιάδης δὲ ταῖς εἴκοσι τῶν νεῶν περιπλεύσας ἀπέβη εἰς τὴν γῆν. ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Μίνδαρος, καὶ αὐτὸς ἀποβὰς ἐν τῇ γῇ μαχόμενος ἀπέθανεν: οἱ δὲ μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ ὄντες ἔφυγον. τὰς δὲ ναῦς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ᾤχοντο ἄγοντες ἁπάσας εἰς Προκόννησον πλὴν τῶν Συρακοσίων: ἐκείνας δὲ αὐτοὶ κατέκαυσαν οἱ Συρακόσιοι. [19] ἐκεῖθεν δὲ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἔπλεον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐπὶ Κύζικον. οἱ δὲ Κυζικηνοὶ τῶν Πελοποννησίων καὶ Φαρναβάζου ἐκλιπόντων αὐτὴν ἐδέχοντο τοὺς Ἀθηναίους: [20] Ἀλκιβιάδης δὲ μείνας αὐτοῦ εἴκοσιν ἡμέρας καὶ χρήματα πολλὰ λαβὼν παρὰ τῶν Κυζικηνῶν, οὐδὲν ἄλλο κακὸν ἐργασάμενος ἐν τῇ πόλει ἀπέπλευσεν εἰς Προκόννησον. ἐκεῖθεν δ᾽ ἔπλευσεν εἰς Πέρινθον καὶ Σηλυμβρίαν. [21] Xen. Hell. 1.1 Xenophon. Xenophontis opera omnia, vol. 1. Oxford, Clarendon Press. 1900 (repr. 1968).
Naval Battle of Cyzicus
Ναυμαχία της Κυζίκου
battle of Leuctra
μάχη στα Λεύκτρα
battle of Mantineia
μάχη της Μαντίνειας
battle of Mycale
ναυμαχία της Μυκάλης
τοῦ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος Ἀμπρακιῶται, ὥσπερ ὑποσχόμενοι Εὐρυλόχῳ τὴν στρατιὰν κατέσχον, ἐκστρατεύονται ἐπὶ Ἄργος τὸ Ἀμφιλοχικὸν τρισχιλίοις ὁπλίταις, καὶ ἐσβαλόντες ἐς τὴν Ἀργείαν καταλαμβάνουσιν Ὄλπας, τεῖχος ἐπὶ λόφου ἰσχυρὸν πρὸς τῇ θαλάσσῃ, ὅ ποτε Ἀκαρνᾶνες τειχισάμενοι κοινῷ δικαστηρίῳ ἐχρῶντο: ἀπέχει δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀργείων πόλεως ἐπιθαλασσίας οὔσης πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι σταδίους μάλιστα. Thuc. 3.105.1-3.113.5 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:3.105.1
When the Corcyraeans saw them coming, they manned a hundred and ten ships, commanded by Meikiades, Aisimides, and Eurybatus, and stationed themselves at one of the Sybota isles; the ten Athenian ships being present. [2] On point Leukimme they posted their land forces, and a thousand heavy infantry who had come from Zacynthus to their assistance. [3] Nor were the Corinthians on the mainland without their allies. The barbarians flocked in large numbers to their assistance, the inhabitants of this part of the continent being old allies of theirs. Thuc. 1.47 Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.47
οἱ δὲ Κερκυραῖοι ὡς ᾔσθοντο αὐτοὺς προσπλέοντας, πληρώσαντες δέκα καὶ ἑκατὸν ναῦς, ὧν ἦρχε Μικιάδης καὶ Αἰσιμίδης καὶ Εὐρύβατος, ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἐν μιᾷ τῶν νήσων αἳ καλοῦνται Σύβοτα: καὶ αἱ Ἀττικαὶ δέκα παρῆσαν. [2] ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ Λευκίμμῃ αὐτοῖς τῷ ἀκρωτηρίῳ ὁ πεζὸς ἦν καὶ Ζακυνθίων χίλιοι ὁπλῖται βεβοηθηκότες. [3] ἦσαν δὲ καὶ τοῖς Κορινθίοις ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ πολλοὶ τῶν βαρβάρων παραβεβοηθηκότες: οἱ γὰρ ταύτῃ ἠπειρῶται αἰεί ποτε αὐτοῖς φίλοι εἰσίν. Thuc. 1.47 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:1.47
ἐφορμ-άω , Ion. ἐπ- , A. [select] stir up, rouse against one, “οἵ μοι ἐφώρμησαν πόλεμον” Il.3.165; “ὅς μοι ἐφορμήσας ἀνέμους” Od.7.272; ἐπορμῆσαι τοὺς λύκους set them on, Hdt.9.93; “ᾧ καὶ Ζεὺς ἐφορμήσῃ κακά” S.Fr.680; “σῦν” Ant.Lib.2.2: c. dupl.acc., ναύτας ἐφορμήσαντα . . τὸ πλεῖν having urged them on to sail, S.Aj. 1143: c. acc. et inf., Orph.L.26. II. [select] intr., rush upon, attack, τινι E.Hipp.1275 (lyr.), Plu.Pomp.19, etc.; “ἐπί τινα” D.C.36.24: abs., Plb.8.6.1: c. inf., desire, Opp.H.2.94, Orph.L.34; f.l. for ἀφορμ- in X.HG1.6.21.—This use is more freq. in Pass. (v. infr.). III. [select] Pass. and Med., to be stirred up: c. inf., to be eager or desire to do, “θυμὸς ἐφορμᾶται πολεμίζειν ἠδὲ μάχεσθαι” Il.13.74, cf. Od. 1.275, 21.399, etc.: abs., rush furiously on, “ἔγχει ἐφορμᾶσθαι” Il.17.465: mostly in aor. part. Pass., “ἐφορμηθείς” 6.410, etc.; “ἄκοντι ἐφορμαθείς” Pi.N.10.69; “ἐφορμηθέντες ἐξ ἑνὸς ῥόθου” A.Pers.462: without hostile sense, spring forward, “τρὶς μὲν ἐφωρμήθην” Od.11.206, cf. Hes.Op.459: c. acc., rush upon, make a dash at, “ὥς τ᾽ ὀρνίθων . . αἰετὸς αἴθων ἔθνος ἐφορμᾶται” Il.15.691, cf. 20.461; so “ἐφορμής εσθαι ἀέθλους” Hes.Sc.127: rarely (if ever) found in Prose, dub.l.in Th.6.49. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/morph?l=e%29formou%2Fsas&la=greek&can=e%29formou%2Fsas0&prior=*mutilh/nh|&d=Perseus:text:1999.01.0205:book=1:chapter=6:section=35&i=1#lexicon
[35] After this victory it was resolved by the Athenian generals that Theramenes and Thrasybulus, who were ship-captains, and some of the taxiarchs, should sail with forty-seven ships to the aid of the disabled vessels and the men on board them, while they themselves went with the rest of the fleet to attack the ships under Eteonicus which were blockading Mytilene. But despite their desire to carry out these measures, the wind and a heavy storm which came on prevented them; accordingly, after setting up a trophy, they bivouacked where they were. Xen. Hell. 1.6.35 Xenophon. Xenophon in Seven Volumes, 1 and 2. Carleton L. Brownson. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA; William Heinemann, Ltd., London. vol. 1:1918; vol. 2: 1921. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:1.6.35
[35] ἔδοξε δὲ καὶ τοῖς τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγοῖς ἑπτὰ μὲν καὶ τετταράκοντα ναυσὶ Θηραμένην τε καὶ Θρασύβουλον τριηράρχους ὄντας καὶ τῶν ταξιάρχων τινὰς πλεῖν ἐπὶ τὰς καταδεδυκυίας ναῦς καὶ τοὺς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀνθρώπους, ταῖς δὲ ἄλλαις ἐπὶ τὰς μετ᾽ Ἐτεονίκου τῇ Μυτιλήνῃ ἐφορμούσας. ταῦτα δὲ βουλομένους ποιεῖν ἄνεμος καὶ χειμὼν διεκώλυσεν αὐτοὺς μέγας γενόμενος: τροπαῖον δὲ στήσαντες αὐτοῦ ηὐλίζοντο. Xen. Hell. 1.6.35 Xenophon. Xenophontis opera omnia, vol. 1. Oxford, Clarendon Press. 1900 (repr. 1968). http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.6.35
[15] Now Lysander, when Cyrus had thus given over to him all his money and set out, in response to the summons, to visit his sick father, distributed pay to his men and set sail to the Ceramic Gulf, in Caria. There he attacked a city named Cedreiae which was an ally of the Athenians, and on the second day's assault captured it by storm and reduced the inhabitants to slavery; they were a mixture of Greek and barbarian blood. Thence he sailed away to Rhodes. Xen. Hell. 2.1.15 Xenophon. Xenophon in Seven Volumes, 1 and 2. Carleton L. Brownson. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA; William Heinemann, Ltd., London. vol. 1:1918; vol. 2: 1921. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:2.1.15
[15] Λύσανδρος δ᾽, ἐπεὶ αὐτῷ Κῦρος πάντα παραδοὺς τὰ αὑτοῦ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα ἀρρωστοῦντα μετάπεμπτος ἀνέβαινε, μισθὸν διαδοὺς τῇ στρατιᾷ ἀνήχθη τῆς Καρίας εἰς τὸν Κεράμειον κόλπον. καὶ προσβαλὼν πόλει τῶν Ἀθηναίων συμμάχῳ ὄνομα Κεδρείαις τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ προσβολῇ κατὰ κράτος αἱρεῖ καὶ ἐξηνδραπόδισεν. ἦσαν δὲ μιξοβάρβαροι οἱ ἐνοικοῦντες. Xen. Hell. 2.1.15 Xenophon. Xenophontis opera omnia, vol. 1. Oxford, Clarendon Press. 1900 (repr. 1968).
[15] Λύσανδρος δ᾽, ἐπεὶ αὐτῷ Κῦρος πάντα παραδοὺς τὰ αὑτοῦ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα ἀρρωστοῦντα μετάπεμπτος ἀνέβαινε, μισθὸν διαδοὺς τῇ στρατιᾷ ἀνήχθη τῆς Καρίας εἰς τὸν Κεράμειον κόλπον. καὶ προσβαλὼν πόλει τῶν Ἀθηναίων συμμάχῳ ὄνομα Κεδρείαις τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ προσβολῇ κατὰ κράτος αἱρεῖ καὶ ἐξηνδραπόδισεν. ἦσαν δὲ μιξοβάρβαροι οἱ ἐνοικοῦντες. Xen. Hell. 2.1.15 Xenophon. Xenophontis opera omnia, vol. 1. Oxford, Clarendon Press. 1900 (repr. 1968). http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-grc1:2.1.15
[5] I lived through the whole of it, being of an age to comprehend events, and giving my attention to them in order to know the exact truth about them. It was also my fate to be an exile from my country for twenty years after my command at Amphipolis; and being present with both parties, and more especially with the Peloponnesians by reason of my exile, I had leisure to observe affairs somewhat particularly. Thuc. 5.26.5 Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:5.26.5
[5] ἐπεβίων δὲ διὰ παντὸς αὐτοῦ αἰσθανόμενός τε τῇ ἡλικίᾳ καὶ προσέχων τὴν γνώμην, ὅπως ἀκριβές τι εἴσομαι: καὶ ξυνέβη μοι φεύγειν τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ ἔτη εἴκοσι μετὰ τὴν ἐς Ἀμφίπολιν στρατηγίαν, καὶ γενομένῳ παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέροις τοῖς πράγμασι, καὶ οὐχ ἧσσον τοῖς Πελοποννησίων διὰ τὴν φυγήν, καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν τι αὐτῶν μᾶλλον αἰσθέσθαι. Thuc. 5.26.5 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:5.26.5
But the Athenians from the ships had already taken Torone, and their land forces following at his heels burst in with him with a rush over the part of the old wall that had been pulled down, killing some of the Peloponnesians and Toronaeans in the melee, and making prisoners of the rest, and Pasitelidas their commander amongst them. Thuc. 5.3.2 Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:5.3.2
οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι φθάνουσιν οἵ τε ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν ἑλόντες τὴν Τορώνην καὶ ὁ πεζὸς ἐπισπόμενος αὐτοβοεὶ κατὰ τὸ διῃρημένον τοῦ παλαιοῦ τείχους ξυνεσπεσών. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτειναν τῶν Πελοποννησίων καὶ Τορωναίων εὐθὺς ἐν χερσί, τοὺς δὲ ζῶντας ἔλαβον, καὶ Πασιτελίδαν τὸν ἄρχοντα. Thuc. 5.3.2 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:5.3.2
civil war in Corcyra in 427 BC
εμφύλιος πόλεμος στην Κέρκυρα το 427 π.Χ.
The city of Epidamnus is situated on the right hand as you sail up the Ionian Gulf. The1 neighboring inhabitants are the Taulantians, a barbarian tribe of the Illyrian race. [2] The place was colonised by the Corcyraeans, but under the leadership of a Corinthian, Phalius, son of Eratocleides, who was of the lineage of Heracles; he was invited, according to ancient custom, from the mother city, and Corinthians and other Dorians joined in the colony. [3] In process of time Epidamnus became great and populous, [4] but there followed a long period of civil commotion, and the city is said to have been brought low in a war against the neighboring barbarians, and to have lost her ancient power. [5] At last, shortly before the Peloponnesian War, the notables were overthrown and driven out by the people; the exiles went2 over to the barbarians, and, uniting with them, plundered the remaining inhabitants both by sea and land. [6] These, finding themselves hard pressed, sent3 an embassy to the mother-city Corcyra, begging the Corcyraeans not to leave them to their fate, but to reconcile them to the exiles and settle the war with the barbarians. [7] The ambassadors came, and sitting as suppliants in the temple of Herè preferred their request; but the Corcyraeans would not listen to them, and they returned without success. Thuc. 1.24 Thucydides translated into English; with introduction, marginal analysis, notes, and indices. Volume 1. Thucydides. Benjamin Jowett. translator. Oxford. Clarendon Press. 1881. https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.04.0105%3Abook%3D1%3Achapter%3D24
Ἐπίδαμνός ἐστι πόλις ἐν δεξιᾷ ἐσπλέοντι ἐς τὸν Ἰόνιον κόλπον: προσοικοῦσι δ᾽ αὐτὴν Ταυλάντιοι βάρβαροι, Ἰλλυρικὸν ἔθνος. [2] ταύτην ἀπῴκισαν μὲν Κερκυραῖοι, οἰκιστὴς δ᾽ ἐγένετο Φαλίος Ἐρατοκλείδου Κορίνθιος γένος τῶν ἀφ᾽ Ἡρακλέους, κατὰ δὴ τὸν παλαιὸν νόμον ἐκ τῆς μητροπόλεως κατακληθείς. ξυνῴκισαν δὲ καὶ Κορινθίων τινὲς καὶ τοῦ ἄλλου Δωρικοῦ γένους. [3] προελθόντος δὲ τοῦ χρόνου ἐγένετο ἡ τῶν Ἐπιδαμνίων δύναμις μεγάλη καὶ πολυάνθρωπος: [4] στασιάσαντες δὲ ἐν ἀλλήλοις ἔτη πολλά, ὡς λέγεται, ἀπὸ πολέμου τινὸς τῶν προσοίκων βαρβάρων ἐφθάρησαν καὶ τῆς δυνάμεως τῆς πολλῆς ἐστερήθησαν. [5] τὰ δὲ τελευταῖα πρὸ τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου ὁ δῆμος αὐτῶν ἐξεδίωξε τοὺς δυνατούς, οἱ δὲ ἐπελθόντες μετὰ τῶν βαρβάρων ἐλῄζοντο τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει κατά τε γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν. [6] οἱ δὲ ἐν τῇ πόλει ὄντες Ἐπιδάμνιοι ἐπειδὴ ἐπιέζοντο, πέμπουσιν ἐς τὴν Κέρκυραν πρέσβεις ὡς μητρόπολιν οὖσαν, δεόμενοι μὴ σφᾶς περιορᾶν φθειρομένους, ἀλλὰ τούς τε φεύγοντας ξυναλλάξαι σφίσι καὶ τὸν τῶν βαρβάρων πόλεμον καταλῦσαι. [7] ταῦτα δὲ ἱκέται καθεζόμενοι ἐς τὸ Ἥραιον ἐδέοντο. οἱ δὲ Κερκυραῖοι τὴν ἱκετείαν οὐκ ἐδέξαντο, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπράκτους ἀπέπεμψαν. Thuc. 1.24 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0199%3Abook%3D1%3Achapter%3D24
The general Athenian public fancy that Hipparchus was tyrant when he fell by the hands of Harmodius and Aristogiton; not knowing that Hippias, the eldest of the sons of Pisistratus, was really supreme, and that Hipparchus and Thessalus were his brothers; and that Harmodius and Aristogiton suspecting, on the very day, nay at the very moment fixed on for the deed, that information had been conveyed to Hippias by their accomplices, concluded that he had been warned, and did not attack him, yet, not liking to be apprehended and risk their lives for nothing, fell upon Hipparchus near the temple of the daughters of Leos, and slew him as he was arranging the Panathenaic procession. Thuc. 1.20.2 Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:1.20.2
Ἀθηναίων γοῦν τὸ πλῆθος Ἵππαρχον οἴονται ὑφ᾽ Ἁρμοδίου καὶ Ἀριστογείτονος τύραννον ὄντα ἀποθανεῖν, καὶ οὐκ ἴσασιν ὅτι Ἱππίας μὲν πρεσβύτατος ὢν ἦρχε τῶν Πεισιστράτου υἱέων, Ἵππαρχος δὲ καὶ Θεσσαλὸς ἀδελφοὶ ἦσαν αὐτοῦ, ὑποτοπήσαντες δέ τι ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ καὶ παραχρῆμα Ἁρμόδιος καὶ Ἀριστογείτων ἐκ τῶν ξυνειδότων σφίσιν Ἱππίᾳ μεμηνῦσθαι τοῦ μὲν ἀπέσχοντο ὡς προειδότος, βουλόμενοι δὲ πρὶν ξυλληφθῆναι δράσαντές τι καὶ κινδυνεῦσαι, τῷ Ἱππάρχῳ περιτυχόντες περὶ τὸ Λεωκόρειον καλούμενον τὴν Παναθηναϊκὴν πομπὴν διακοσμοῦντι ἀπέκτειναν. Thuc. 1.20.2 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.20.2
killing of Hipparchus by Harmodios and Aristogeiton in 514 BC
αὐτὸς δὲ σὺν τοῖς πεζοῖς καὶ τῇ ἴλῃ τῇ βασιλικῇ ἐς Μάγαρσον ἧκεν καὶ τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ τῇ Μαγαρσίδι ἔθυσεν. ἔνθεν δὲ ἐς Μαλλὸν ἀφίκετο καὶ Ἀμφιλόχῳ ὅσα ἥρωι ἐνήγισε: καὶ στασιάζοντας καταλαβὼν τὴν στάσιν αὐτοῖς κατέπαυσε: καὶ τοὺς φόρους, οὓς βασιλεῖ Δαρείῳ ἀπέφερον, ἀνῆκεν, ὅτι Ἀργείων μὲν Μαλλωταὶ ἄποικοι ἦσαν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἀπ᾽ Ἄργους τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν εἶναι ἠξίου. Arr. An. 2.5 Arr. An. 2.5-Flavii Arriani Anabasis Alexandri. Arrian. A.G. Roos. in aedibus B. G. Teubneri. Leipzig. 1907. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0074.tlg001.perseus-grc1:2.5
καὶ ἐδόκει τοῖς ἑταίροις μήτε πάλαι εὖ βεβουλεῦσθαι τὸ κράτιστον τοῦ ἱππικοῦ ἀνδρὶ οὐ πιστῷ ἐπιτρέψας, νῶν τε χρῆναι αὐτὸν κατὰ τάχος ἐκποδὼν ποιεῖσθαι, πρὶν καὶ ἐπιτηδειότερον γενόμενον τοῖς Θετταλοῖς ξὺν αὐτοῖς τι νεωτερίσαι. καί τι καὶ θεῖον ἐφόβει αὐτούς. Arr. An. 1.25.5-Flavii Arriani Anabasis Alexandri. Arrian. A.G. Roos. in aedibus B. G. Teubneri. Leipzig. 1907 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0074.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.25.5
ἔτι δὲ αὐτῷ περὶ τὴν Φασηλίδα ὄντι ἐξαγγέλλεται Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν Ἀερόπου ἐπιβο9υλεύειν, τά τε ἄλλα τῶν ἑταίρων ὄντα καὶ ἐν τῷ τότε Θεσσαλῶν τῆς ἵππου ἄρχοντα. ἦν μὲν δὴ ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος οὗτος ἀδελφὸς Ἡρομένους τε καὶ Ἀρραβαίου τῶν ξυνεπιλαβόντων τῆς σφαγῆς τῆς Φιλίππου: Arr. An. 1.25.1 Flavii Arriani Anabasis Alexandri. Arrian. A.G. Roos. in aedibus B. G. Teubneri. Leipzig. 1907. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0074.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.25.1
οὔκουν ἀπεικότως δι᾽ ἀπεχθείας γενέσθαι Ἀλεξάνδρῳ Καλλισθένην τίθεμαι ἐπὶ τῇ ἀκαίρῳ τε παρρησίᾳ καὶ ὑπερόγκῳ ἀβελτερίᾳ. ἐφ᾽ ὅτῳ τεκμαίρομαι μὴ χαλεπῶς πιστευθῆναι τοὺς κατειπόντας Καλλισθένους, ὅτι μετέσχε τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς τῆς γενομένης Ἀλεξάνδρῳ ἐκ τῶν παίδων, τοὺς δέ, ὅτι καὶ ἐπῆρεν αὐτὸς ἐς τὸ ἐπιβουλεῦσαι. ξυνέβη δὲ τὰ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ὧδε. Arr. An. 4.12.7-Flavii Arriani Anabasis Alexandri. Arrian. A.G. Roos. in aedibus B. G. Teubneri. Leipzig. 1907 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0074.tlg001.perseus-grc1:4.12.7
coup in Samos in 411 BC
πραξικόπημα στη Σάμο το 411 π.Χ.
coup in Athens in 404 BC
πραξικόπημα στην Αθήνα το 404 π.Χ.
June 9, 411 BC
Athenian coup of 411 BC
decree
διάταγμα
Turning a deaf ear to all these proposals, when their ships were manned and their allies had come in, the Corinthians sent a herald before them to declare war, and getting under weigh with seventy-five ships and two thousand heavy infantry, sailed for Epidamnus to give battle to the Corcyraeans. Thuc. 1.29 Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:1.29
Κορίνθιοι δὲ οὐδὲν τούτων ὑπήκουον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὴ πλήρεις αὐτοῖς ἦσαν αἱ νῆες καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι παρῆσαν, προπέμψαντες κήρυκα πρότερον πόλεμον προεροῦντα Κερκυραίοις, ἄραντες ἑβδομήκοντα ναυσὶ καὶ πέντε δισχιλίοις τε ὁπλίταις ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τὴν Ἐπίδαμνον Κερκυραίοις ἐναντία πολεμήσοντες Thuc. 1.29 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.29
90. So much then for the prejudices with which I am regarded: I now can call your attention to the questions you must consider, and upon which superior knowledge perhaps permits me to speak. [2] We sailed to Sicily first to conquer, if possible, the Siceliots, and after them the Italiots also, and finally to assail the empire and city of Carthage. [3] In the event of all or most of these schemes succeeding, we were then to attack Peloponnese, bringing with us the entire force of the Hellenes lately acquired in those parts, and taking a number of barbarians into our pay, such as the Iberians and others in those countries, confessedly the most warlike known, and building numerous galleys in addition to those which we had already, timber being plentiful in Italy; and with this fleet blockading Peloponnese from the sea and assailing it with our armies by land, taking some of the cities by storm, drawing works of circumvallation round others, we hoped without difficulty to effect its reduction, and after this to rule the whole of the Hellenic name. [4] Money and corn meanwhile for the better execution of these plans were to be supplied in sufficient quantities by the newly acquired places in those countries, independently of our revenues here at home. Thuc. 6.90 Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:6.90
90. ‘καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐς τὰς ἐμὰς διαβολὰς τοιαῦτα ξυνέβη: περὶ δὲ ὧν ὑμῖν τε βουλευτέον καὶ ἐμοί, εἴ τι πλέον οἶδα, ἐσηγητέον, μάθετε ἤδη. [2] ἐπλεύσαμεν ἐς Σικελίαν πρῶτον μέν, εἰ δυναίμεθα, Σικελιώτας καταστρεψόμενοι, μετὰ δ᾽ ἐκείνους αὖθις καὶ Ἰταλιώτας, ἔπειτα καὶ τῆς Καρχηδονίων ἀρχῆς καὶ αὐτῶν ἀποπειράσοντες. [3] εἰ δὲ προχωρήσειε ταῦτα ἢ πάντα ἢ καὶ τὰ πλείω, ἤδη τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ ἐμέλλομεν ἐπιχειρήσειν, κομίσαντες ξύμπασαν μὲν τὴν ἐκεῖθεν προσγενομένην δύναμιν τῶν Ἑλλήνων, πολλοὺς δὲ βαρβάρους μισθωσάμενοι καὶ Ἴβηρας καὶ ἄλλους τῶν ἐκεῖ ὁμολογουμένως νῦν βαρβάρων μαχιμωτάτους, τριήρεις τε πρὸς ταῖς ἡμετέραις πολλὰς ναυπηγησάμενοι, ἐχούσης τῆς Ἰταλίας ξύλα ἄφθονα, αἷς τὴν Πελοπόννησον πέριξ πολιορκοῦντες καὶ τῷ πεζῷ ἅμα ἐκ γῆς ἐφορμαῖς τῶν πόλεων τὰς μὲν βίᾳ λαβόντες, τὰς δ᾽ ἐντειχισάμενοι, ῥᾳδίως ἠλπίζομεν καταπολεμήσειν καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ τοῦ ξύμπαντος Ἑλληνικοῦ ἄρξειν. [4] χρήματα δὲ καὶ σῖτον, ὥστε εὐπορώτερον γίγνεσθαί τι αὐτῶν, αὐτὰ τὰ προσγενόμενα ἐκεῖθεν χωρία ἔμελλε διαρκῆ ἄνευ τῆς ἐνθένδε προσόδου παρέξειν. Thuc. 6.90 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:6.90
deforestation of Sicily due to the building of ships by the Athenians during the Sicilian expedition, 415-413 BC
deforestation of Sicily in 415-413 BC
αποψίλωση δασών στη Σικελία 415-413 π.Χ.
21] and after this he collected an armament of fifteen hundred hoplites, one hundred and fifty horsemen, and one hundred ships. Then, in the fourth month after his return to Athens, he set sail for Andros, which had revolted from the Athenians; and with him were sent Aristocrates and Adeimantus, the son of Leucolophides, the generals who had been chosen for service by land. Xen. Hell. 1.4.21 Xenophon. Xenophon in Seven Volumes, 1 and 2. Carleton L. Brownson. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA; William Heinemann, Ltd., London. vol. 1:1918; vol. 2: 1921. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:1.4.21
[21] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα κατελέξατο στρατιάν, ὁπλίτας μὲν πεντακοσίους καὶ χιλίους, ἱππέας δὲ πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατόν, ναῦς δ᾽ ἑκατόν. καὶ μετὰ τὸν κατάπλουν τρίτῳ μηνὶ ἀνήχθη ἐπ᾽ Ἄνδρον ἀφεστηκυῖαν τῶν Ἀθηναίων, καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ Ἀριστοκράτης καὶ Ἀδείμαντος ὁ Λευκολοφίδου συνεπέμφθησαν ᾑρημένοι κατὰ γῆν στρατηγοί. Xen. Hell. 1.4.21 Xenophon. Xenophontis opera omnia, vol. 1. Oxford, Clarendon Press. 1900 (repr. 1968). http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.4.21
dispatch of Athenian troops to Argos in 407 BC
αποστολή Αθηναϊκού στρατεύματος στην Άνδρο το 407 π.Χ.
All these grievances made Corinth eager to send the promised aid to Epidamnus. Advertisement was made for volunteer settlers, and a force of Ambraciots, Leucadians, and Corinthians was despatched. Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910. Thuc. 1.26.1 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:1.26.1
When the Corcyraeans heard of the arrival of the settlers and troops in Epidamnus, and the surrender of the colony to Corinth, they took fire. Instantly putting to sea with five-and-twenty ships, which were quickly followed by others, they insolently commanded the Epidamnians to receive back the banished nobles— （it must be premised that the Epidamnian exiles had come to Corcyra, and pointing to the sepulchres of their ancestors, had appealed to their kindred to restore them）— and to dismiss the Corinthian garrison and settlers. Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910. Thuc. 1.47 http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0200%3Abook%3D1%3Achapter%3D26%3Asection%3D3
Κερκυραῖοι δὲ ἐπειδὴ ᾔσθοντο τούς τε οἰκήτορας καὶ φρουροὺς ἥκοντας ἐς τὴν Ἐπίδαμνον τήν τε ἀποικίαν Κορινθίοις δεδομένην, ἐχαλέπαινον: καὶ πλεύσαντες εὐθὺς πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι ναυσὶ καὶ ὕστερον ἑτέρῳ στόλῳ τούς τε φεύγοντας ἐκέλευον κατ᾽ ἐπήρειαν δέχεσθαι αὐτούς （ἦλθον γὰρ ἐς τὴν Κέρκυραν οἱ τῶν Ἐπιδαμνίων φυγάδες, τάφους τε ἀποδεικνύντες καὶ ξυγγένειαν, ἣν προϊσχόμενοι ἐδέοντο σφᾶς κατάγειν） τούς τε φρουροὺς οὓς Κορίνθιοι ἔπεμψαν καὶ τοὺς οἰκήτορας ἀποπέμπειν. Thuc. 1.47 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.26.3
πάντων οὖν τούτων ἐγκλήματα ἔχοντες οἱ Κορίνθιοι ἔπεμπον ἐς τὴν Ἐπίδαμνον ἄσμενοι τὴν ὠφελίαν, οἰκήτορά τε τὸν βουλόμενον ἰέναι κελεύοντες καὶ Ἀμπρακιωτῶν καὶ Λευκαδίων καὶ ἑαυτῶν φρουρούς. Thuc. 1.26.1 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.26.1
ἀνομβρ-ία , ἡ, A. [select] want of rain, Arist.HA606b20, D.S.1.29, J.AJ8.13.2, Ph.2.383: metaph., [“τὴν παίδευσιν] οὔτε ὄμβρος οὔτε ἀ. ἀφαιρεῖται” Antipho Soph.60. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/morph?l=a%29nombri%2Fas&la=greek&can=a%29nombri%2Fas0&prior=te&d=Perseus:text:2008.01.0572:book=13:chapter=4&i=1#lexicon
ἐν δὲ τῇ ἀρχῇ τῶν μετὰ τὸν Κάμιλλον ὑπάτων νόσος εἰς Ῥώμην κατέσκηψε λοιμικὴ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπό τε ἀνομβρίας καὶ αὐχμῶν λαβοῦσα ἰσχυρῶν, ὑφ᾽ ὧν κακωθεῖσα ἥ τε δενδρῖτις καὶ ἡ σιτοφόρος ὀλίγους μὲν ἀνθρώποις καρποὺς ἐξήνεγκε καὶ νοσερούς, [2] ὀλίγην δὲ καὶ πονηρὰν βοσκήμασι νομήν. προβάτων μὲν οὖν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὑποζυγίων ἀναρίθμητόν τι διεφθάρη πλῆθος οὐ χιλοῦ σπανισάμενον μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ποτοῦ: τοσαύτη γὰρ τῶν τε ποταμίων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ναμάτων ἐπίλειψις ἐγένετο, ἡνίκα μάλιστα κάμνει πάντα δίψει τὰ βοτά. [3] ἄνθρωποι δὲ ὀλίγοι μὲν τινες διεφθάρησαν, ἃς οὔπω πρότερον ἐπείρασαν προσενεγκάμενοι τροφάς, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ μικροῦ πάντες εἰς νόσους δεινὰς κατέπεσον ἀρχομένας μὲν ἀπὸ μικρῶν ἐξανθημάτων, ἃ περὶ τοὺς ἔξωθεν χρῶτας ἀνίστατο, [p. 239] κατασκηπτούσας δ᾽ εἰς ἕλκη μεγάλα φαγεδαίναις ὅμοια, πονηρὰν μὲν ὄψιν, δεινὴν δὲ ἀλγηδόνα παρέχοντα. [4] ἦν τε οὐθὲν ἴαμα τῆς περιωδυνίας τοῖς κάμνουσιν, ὅ τι μὴ κνησμοὶ καὶ σπαραγμοὶ συνεχεῖς λωβώμενοι τοῖς χρωσὶ μέχρι γυμνώσεως ὀστέων. Ambr. D.H. 13.4 Dionysii Halicarnasei Antiquitatum Romanarum quae supersunt, Vol I-IV. Dionysius of Halicarnassus. Karl Jacoby. In Aedibus B.G. Teubneri. Leipzig. 1885. Keyboarding. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0081.tlg001.perseus-grc1:13.4
drought at the time of consuls who succeeded Camillus c. 365 BC
101. Meanwhile the Thasians being defeated in the field and suffering siege, appealed to Lacedaemon, and desired her to assist them by an invasion of Attica. [2] Without informing Athens she promised and intended to do so, but was prevented by the occurrence of the earthquake, accompanied by the secession of the Helots and the Thuriats and Aethaeans of the Perioeci to Ithome. Most of the Helots were the descendants of the old Messenians that were enslaved in the famous war; and so all of them came to be called Messenians. [3] So the Lacedaemonians being engaged in a war with the rebels in Ithome, the Thasians in the third year of the siege obtained terms from the Athenians by razing their walls, delivering up their ships, and arranging to pay the monies demanded at once, and tribute in future; giving up their possessions on the continent together with the mine. Thuc. 1.101 Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910.
101. Θάσιοι δὲ νικηθέντες μάχῃ καὶ πολιορκούμενοι Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπεκαλοῦντο καὶ ἐπαμύνειν ἐκέλευον ἐσβαλόντας ἐς τὴν Ἀττικήν. [2] οἱ δὲ ὑπέσχοντο μὲν κρύφα τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ ἔμελλον, διεκωλύθησαν δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ γενομένου σεισμοῦ, ἐν ᾧ καὶ οἱ Εἵλωτες αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν περιοίκων Θουριᾶταί τε καὶ Αἰθαιῆς ἐς Ἰθώμην ἀπέστησαν. πλεῖστοι δὲ τῶν Εἱλώτων ἐγένοντο οἱ τῶν παλαιῶν Μεσσηνίων τότε δουλωθέντων ἀπόγονοι: ᾗ καὶ Μεσσήνιοι ἐκλήθησαν οἱ πάντες. [3] πρὸς μὲν οὖν τοὺς ἐν Ἰθώμῃ πόλεμος καθειστήκει Λακεδαιμονίοις, Θάσιοι δὲ τρίτῳ ἔτει πολιορκούμενοι ὡμολόγησαν Ἀθηναίοις τεῖχός τε καθελόντες καὶ ναῦς παραδόντες, χρήματά τε ὅσα ἔδει ἀποδοῦναι αὐτίκα ταξάμενοι καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν φέρειν, τήν τε ἤπειρον καὶ τὸ μέταλλον ἀφέντες. Thuc. 1.101 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942.
89. In the ensuing summer the Peloponnesians and their allies, under the command of Agis the1 son of Archidamus, the Lacedaemonian king, came as far as the2 isthmus. They intended to invade Attica, but were deterred from proceeding by numerous earthquakes3, and no invasion took place in this year. [2] About the time when these earthquakes prevailed, the sea at Orobiae in Euboea, retiring from what was then the line of coast and rising in a great wave, overflowed a part of the city; and although it subsided in some places, yet in others the inundation was permanent, and that which was formerly land is now sea. All the people who could not escape to the high ground perished. [3] A similar inundation occurred in the neighbourhood of Atalantè, an island on the coast of the Opuntian Locri, which carried away a part of the Athenian fort4, and dashed in pieces one of two ships which were drawn up on the beach. [4] At Peparethus also the sea retired, but no inundation followed; an earthquake, however, overthrew a part of the wall, the Prytaneum, and a few houses. [5] I conceive that, where the force of the earthquake was greatest, the sea was driven back, and the suddenness of the recoil made the inundation more violent; and I am of opinion that this was the cause of the phenomenon, which would never have taken place if there had been no earthquake. 1 B.C. 426. 2 The earthquakes conceived by Thucydides to have been the cause of the great ebb and flow of the sea at Orobiae in Euboea, and at Atalantè 3 Cp. ch. 87. 4 Cp. 2.32. Thuc. 3.89 Thucydides translated into English; with introduction, marginal analysis, notes, and indices. Volume 1. Thucydides. Benjamin Jowett. translator. Oxford. Clarendon Press. 1881. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng2:3.89
89. τοῦ δ᾽ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι μέχρι μὲν τοῦ Ἰσθμοῦ ἦλθον ὡς ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἐσβαλοῦντες, Ἄγιδος τοῦ Ἀρχιδάμου ἡγουμένου Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλέως, σεισμῶν δὲ γενομένων πολλῶν ἀπετράποντο πάλιν καὶ οὐκ ἐγένετο ἐσβολή. [2] καὶ περὶ τούτους τοὺς χρόνους, τῶν σεισμῶν κατεχόντων, τῆς Εὐβοίας ἐν Ὀροβίαις ἡ θάλασσα ἐπανελθοῦσα ἀπὸ τῆς τότε οὔσης γῆς καὶ κυματωθεῖσα ἐπῆλθε τῆς πόλεως μέρος τι, καὶ τὸ μὲν κατέκλυσε,τὸ δ᾽ ὑπενόστησε, καὶ θάλασσα νῦν ἐστὶ πρότερον οὖσα γῆ: καὶ ἀνθρώπους διέφθειρεν ὅσοι μὴ ἐδύναντο φθῆναι πρὸς τὰ μετέωρα ἀναδραμόντες. [3] καὶ περὶ Ἀταλάντην τὴν ἐπὶ Λοκροῖς τοῖς Ὀπουντίοις νῆσον παραπλησία γίγνεται ἐπίκλυσις, καὶ τοῦ τε φρουρίου τῶν Ἀθηναίων παρεῖλε καὶ δύο νεῶν ἀνειλκυσμένων τὴν ἑτέραν κατέαξεν. [4] ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ ἐν Πεπαρήθῳ κύματος ἐπαναχώρησίς τις, οὐ μέντοι ἐπέκλυσέ γε: καὶ σεισμὸς τοῦ τείχους τι κατέβαλε καὶ τὸ πρυτανεῖον καὶ ἄλλας οἰκίας ὀλίγας. [5] αἴτιον δ᾽ ἔγωγε νομίζω τοῦ τοιούτου, ᾗ ἰσχυρότατος ὁ σεισμὸς ἐγένετο, κατὰ τοῦτο ἀποστέλλειν τε τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ ἐξαπίνης πάλιν ἐπισπωμένην βιαιότερον τὴν ἐπίκλυσιν ποιεῖν: ἄνευ δὲ σεισμοῦ οὐκ ἄν μοι δοκεῖ τὸ τοιοῦτο ξυμβῆναι γενέσθαι. Thuc. 3.89 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:3.89
101. Meanwhile the Thasians being defeated in the field and suffering siege, appealed to Lacedaemon, and desired her to assist them by an invasion of Attica. [2] Without informing Athens she promised and intended to do so, but was prevented by the occurrence of the earthquake, accompanied by the secession of the Helots and the Thuriats and Aethaeans of the Perioeci to Ithome. Most of the Helots were the descendants of the old Messenians that were enslaved in the famous war; and so all of them came to be called Messenians. [3] So the Lacedaemonians being engaged in a war with the rebels in Ithome, the Thasians in the third year of the siege obtained terms from the Athenians by razing their walls, delivering up their ships, and arranging to pay the monies demanded at once, and tribute in future; giving up their possessions on the continent together with the mine. Thuc. 1.101 Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910. Thuc. 1.101 https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0200%3Abook%3D1%3Achapter%3D101
101. Θάσιοι δὲ νικηθέντες μάχῃ καὶ πολιορκούμενοι Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπεκαλοῦντο καὶ ἐπαμύνειν ἐκέλευον ἐσβαλόντας ἐς τὴν Ἀττικήν. [2] οἱ δὲ ὑπέσχοντο μὲν κρύφα τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ ἔμελλον, διεκωλύθησαν δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ γενομένου σεισμοῦ, ἐν ᾧ καὶ οἱ Εἵλωτες αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν περιοίκων Θουριᾶταί τε καὶ Αἰθαιῆς ἐς Ἰθώμην ἀπέστησαν. πλεῖστοι δὲ τῶν Εἱλώτων ἐγένοντο οἱ τῶν παλαιῶν Μεσσηνίων τότε δουλωθέντων ἀπόγονοι: ᾗ καὶ Μεσσήνιοι ἐκλήθησαν οἱ πάντες. [3] πρὸς μὲν οὖν τοὺς ἐν Ἰθώμῃ πόλεμος καθειστήκει Λακεδαιμονίοις, Θάσιοι δὲ τρίτῳ ἔτει πολιορκούμενοι ὡμολόγησαν Ἀθηναίοις τεῖχός τε καθελόντες καὶ ναῦς παραδόντες, χρήματά τε ὅσα ἔδει ἀποδοῦναι αὐτίκα ταξάμενοι καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν φέρειν, τήν τε ἤπειρον καὶ τὸ μέταλλον ἀφέντες. Thuc. 1.101 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. Thuc. 1.101 https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0199%3Abook%3D1%3Achapter%3D101
48. ἤρξατο δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον, ὡς λέγεται, ἐξ Αἰθιοπίας τῆς ὑπὲρ Αἰγύπτου, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ ἐς Αἴγυπτον καὶ Λιβύην κατέβη καὶ ἐς τὴν βασιλέως γῆν τὴν πολλήν. [2] ἐς δὲ τὴν Ἀθηναίων πόλιν ἐξαπιναίως ἐσέπεσε, καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἐν τῷ Πειραιεῖ ἥψατο τῶν ἀνθρώπων, ὥστε καὶ ἐλέχθη ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ὡς οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι φάρμακα ἐσβεβλήκοιεν ἐς τὰ φρέατα: κρῆναι γὰρ οὔπω ἦσαν αὐτόθι. ὕστερον δὲ καὶ ἐς τὴν ἄνω πόλιν ἀφίκετο, καὶ ἔθνῃσκον πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἤδη. [3] λεγέτω μὲν οὖν περὶ αὐτοῦ ὡς ἕκαστος γιγνώσκει καὶ ἰατρὸς καὶ ἰδιώτης, ἀφ᾽ ὅτου εἰκὸς ἦν γενέσθαι αὐτό, καὶ τὰς αἰτίας ἅστινας νομίζει τοσαύτης μεταβολῆς ἱκανὰς εἶναι δύναμιν ἐς τὸ μεταστῆσαι σχεῖν: ἐγὼ δὲ οἷόν τε ἐγίγνετο λέξω, καὶ ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἄν τις σκοπῶν, εἴ ποτε καὶ αὖθις ἐπιπέσοι, μάλιστ᾽ ἂν ἔχοι τι προειδὼς μὴ ἀγνοεῖν, ταῦτα δηλώσω αὐτός τε νοσήσας καὶ αὐτὸς ἰδὼν ἄλλους πάσχοντας. 49. τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἔτος, ὡς ὡμολογεῖτο, ἐκ πάντων μάλιστα δὴ ἐκεῖνο ἄνοσον ἐς τὰς ἄλλας ἀσθενείας ἐτύγχανεν ὄν: εἰ δέ τις καὶ προύκαμνέ τι, ἐς τοῦτο πάντα ἀπεκρίθη. [2] τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἀπ᾽ οὐδεμιᾶς προφάσεως, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξαίφνης ὑγιεῖς ὄντας πρῶτον μὲν τῆς κεφαλῆς θέρμαι ἰσχυραὶ καὶ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἐρυθήματα καὶ φλόγωσις ἐλάμβανε, καὶ τὰ ἐντός, ἥ τε φάρυγξ καὶ ἡ γλῶσσα, εὐθὺς αἱματώδη ἦν καὶ πνεῦμα ἄτοπον καὶ δυσῶδες ἠφίει: [3] ἔπειτα ἐξ αὐτῶν πταρμὸς καὶ βράγχος ἐπεγίγνετο, καὶ ἐν οὐ πολλῷ χρόνῳ κατέβαινεν ἐς τὰ στήθη ὁ πόνος μετὰ βηχὸς ἰσχυροῦ: καὶ ὁπότε ἐς τὴν καρδίαν στηρίξειεν, ἀνέστρεφέ τε αὐτὴν καὶ ἀποκαθάρσεις χολῆς πᾶσαι ὅσαι ὑπὸ ἰατρῶν ὠνομασμέναι εἰσὶν ἐπῇσαν, καὶ αὗται μετὰ ταλαιπωρίας μεγάλης. [4] λύγξ τε τοῖς πλέοσιν ἐνέπιπτε κενή, σπασμὸν ἐνδιδοῦσα ἰσχυρόν, τοῖς μὲν μετὰ ταῦτα λωφήσαντα, τοῖς δὲ καὶ πολλῷ ὕστερον. [5] καὶ τὸ μὲν ἔξωθεν ἁπτομένῳ σῶμα οὔτ᾽ ἄγαν θερμὸν ἦν οὔτε χλωρόν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπέρυθρον, πελιτνόν, φλυκταίναις μικραῖς καὶ ἕλκεσιν ἐξηνθηκός: τὰ δὲ ἐντὸς οὕτως ἐκάετο ὥστε μήτε τῶν πάνυ λεπτῶν ἱματίων καὶ σινδόνων τὰς ἐπιβολὰς μηδ᾽ ἄλλο τι ἢ γυμνοὶ ἀνέχεσθαι, ἥδιστά τε ἂν ἐς ὕδωρ ψυχρὸν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ῥίπτειν. καὶ πολλοὶ τοῦτο τῶν ἠμελημένων ἀνθρώπων καὶ ἔδρασαν ἐς φρέατα, τῇ δίψῃ ἀπαύστῳ ξυνεχόμενοι: καὶ ἐν τῷ ὁμοίῳ καθειστήκει τό τε πλέον καὶ ἔλασσον ποτόν. [6] καὶ ἡ ἀπορία τοῦ μὴ ἡσυχάζειν καὶ ἡ ἀγρυπνία ἐπέκειτο διὰ παντός. καὶ τὸ σῶμα, ὅσονπερ χρόνον καὶ ἡ νόσος ἀκμάζοι, οὐκ ἐμαραίνετο, ἀλλ᾽ ἀντεῖχε παρὰ δόξαν τῇ ταλαιπωρίᾳ, ὥστε ἢ διεφθείροντο οἱ πλεῖστοι ἐναταῖοι καὶ ἑβδομαῖοι ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐντὸς καύματος, ἔτι ἔχοντές τι δυνάμεως, ἢ εἰ διαφύγοιεν, ἐπικατιόντος τοῦ νοσήματος ἐς τὴν κοιλίαν καὶ ἑλκώσεώς τε αὐτῇ ἰσχυρᾶς ἐγγιγνομένης καὶ διαρροίας ἅμα ἀκράτου ἐπιπιπτούσης οἱ πολλοὶ ὕστερον δι᾽ αὐτὴν ἀσθενείᾳ διεφθείροντο. [7] διεξῄει γὰρ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ σώματος ἄνωθεν ἀρξάμενον τὸ ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ πρῶτον ἱδρυθὲν κακόν, καὶ εἴ τις ἐκ τῶν μεγίστων περιγένοιτο, τῶν γε ἀκρωτηρίων ἀντίληψις αὐτοῦ ἐπεσήμαινεν. [8] κατέσκηπτε γὰρ ἐς αἰδοῖα καὶ ἐς ἄκρας χεῖρας καὶ πόδας, καὶ πολλοὶ στερισκόμενοι τούτων διέφευγον, εἰσὶ δ᾽ οἳ καὶ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν. τοὺς δὲ καὶ λήθη ἐλάμβανε παραυτίκα ἀναστάντας τῶν πάντων ὁμοίως, καὶ ἠγνόησαν σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους. 50. γενόμενον γὰρ κρεῖσσον λόγου τὸ εἶδος τῆς νόσου τά τε ἄλλα χαλεπωτέρως ἢ κατὰ τὴν ἀνθρωπείαν φύσιν προσέπιπτεν ἑκάστῳ καὶ ἐν τῷδε ἐδήλωσε μάλιστα ἄλλο τι ὂν ἢ τῶν ξυντρόφων τι: τὰ γὰρ ὄρνεα καὶ τετράποδα ὅσα ἀνθρώπων ἅπτεται, πολλῶν ἀτάφων γιγνομένων ἢ οὐ προσῄει ἢ γευσάμενα διεφθείρετο. [2] τεκμήριον δέ: τῶν μὲν τοιούτων ὀρνίθων ἐπίλειψις σαφὴς ἐγένετο, καὶ οὐχ ἑωρῶντο οὔτε ἄλλως οὔτε περὶ τοιοῦτον οὐδέν: οἱ δὲ κύνες μᾶλλον αἴσθησιν παρεῖχον τοῦ ἀποβαίνοντος διὰ τὸ ξυνδιαιτᾶσθαι. 51. τὸ μὲν οὖν νόσημα, πολλὰ καὶ ἄλλα παραλιπόντι ἀτοπίας, ὡς ἑκάστῳ ἐτύγχανέ τι διαφερόντως ἑτέρῳ πρὸς ἕτερον γιγνόμενον, τοιοῦτον ἦν ἐπὶ πᾶν τὴν ἰδέαν. καὶ ἄλλο παρελύπει κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον οὐδὲν τῶν εἰωθότων: ὃ δὲ καὶ γένοιτο, ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα. [2] ἔθνῃσκον δὲ οἱ μὲν ἀμελείᾳ, οἱ δὲ καὶ πάνυ θεραπευόμενοι. ἕν τε οὐδὲ ἓν κατέστη ἴαμα ὡς εἰπεῖν ὅτι χρῆν προσφέροντας ὠφελεῖν: τὸ γάρ τῳ ξυνενεγκὸν ἄλλον τοῦτο ἔβλαπτεν. [3] σῶμά τε αὔταρκες ὂν οὐδὲν διεφάνη πρὸς αὐτὸ ἰσχύος πέρι ἢ ἀσθενείας, ἀλλὰ πάντα ξυνῄρει καὶ τὰ πάσῃ διαίτῃ θεραπευόμενα. [4] δεινότατον δὲ παντὸς ἦν τοῦ κακοῦ ἥ τε ἀθυμία ὁπότε τις αἴσθοιτο κάμνων （πρὸς γὰρ τὸ ἀνέλπιστον εὐθὺς τραπόμενοι τῇ γνώμῃ πολλῷ μᾶλλον προΐεντο σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ οὐκ ἀντεῖχον）, καὶ ὅτι ἕτερος ἀφ᾽ ἑτέρου θεραπείας ἀναπιμπλάμενοι ὥσπερ τὰ πρόβατα ἔθνῃσκον: καὶ τὸν πλεῖστον φθόρον τοῦτο ἐνεποίει. [5] εἴτε γὰρ μὴ 'θέλοιεν δεδιότες ἀλλήλοις προσιέναι, ἀπώλλυντο ἐρῆμοι, καὶ οἰκίαι πολλαὶ ἐκενώθησαν ἀπορίᾳ τοῦ θεραπεύσοντος: εἴτε προσίοιεν, διεφθείροντο, καὶ μάλιστα οἱ ἀρετῆς τι μεταποιούμενοι: αἰσχύνῃ γὰρ ἠφείδουν σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐσιόντες παρὰ τοὺς φίλους, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὰς ὀλοφύρσεις τῶν ἀπογιγνομένων τελευτῶντες καὶ οἱ οἰκεῖοι ἐξέκαμνον ὑπὸ τοῦ πολλοῦ κακοῦ νικώμενοι. [6] ἐπὶ πλέον δ᾽ ὅμως οἱ διαπεφευγότες τόν τε θνῄσκοντα καὶ τὸν πονούμενον ᾠκτίζοντο διὰ τὸ προειδέναι τε καὶ αὐτοὶ ἤδη ἐν τῷ θαρσαλέῳ εἶναι: δὶς γὰρ τὸν αὐτόν, ὥστε καὶ κτείνειν, οὐκ ἐπελάμβανεν. καὶ ἐμακαρίζοντό τε ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων, καὶ αὐτοὶ τῷ παραχρῆμα περιχαρεῖ καὶ ἐς τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον ἐλπίδος τι εἶχον κούφης μηδ᾽ ἂν ὑπ᾽ ἄλλου νοσήματός ποτε ἔτι διαφθαρῆναι. 52. ἐπίεσε δ᾽ αὐτοὺς μᾶλλον πρὸς τῷ ὑπάρχοντι πόνῳ καὶ ἡ ξυγκομιδὴ ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν ἐς τὸ ἄστυ, καὶ οὐχ ἧσσον τοὺς ἐπελθόντας. [2] οἰκιῶν γὰρ οὐχ ὑπαρχουσῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν καλύβαις πνιγηραῖς ὥρᾳ ἔτους διαιτωμένων ὁ φθόρος ἐγίγνετο οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ νεκροὶ ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλοις ἀποθνῄσκοντες ἔκειντο καὶ ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς ἐκαλινδοῦντο καὶ περὶ τὰς κρήνας ἁπάσας ἡμιθνῆτες τοῦ ὕδατος ἐπιθυμίᾳ. [3] τά τε ἱερὰ ἐν οἷς ἐσκήνηντο νεκρῶν πλέα ἦν, αὐτοῦ ἐναποθνῃσκόντων: ὑπερβιαζομένου γὰρ τοῦ κακοῦ οἱ ἄνθρωποι, οὐκ ἔχοντες ὅτι γένωνται, ἐς ὀλιγωρίαν ἐτράποντο καὶ ἱερῶν καὶ ὁσίων ὁμοίως. [4] νόμοι τε πάντες ξυνεταράχθησαν οἷς ἐχρῶντο πρότερον περὶ τὰς ταφάς, ἔθαπτον δὲ ὡς ἕκαστος ἐδύνατο. καὶ πολλοὶ ἐς ἀναισχύντους θήκας ἐτράποντο σπάνει τῶν ἐπιτηδείων διὰ τὸ συχνοὺς ἤδη προτεθνάναι σφίσιν: ἐπὶ πυρὰς γὰρ ἀλλοτρίας φθάσαντες τοὺς νήσαντας οἱ μὲν ἐπιθέντες τὸν ἑαυτῶν νεκρὸν ὑφῆπτον, οἱ δὲ καιομένου ἄλλου ἐπιβαλόντες ἄνωθεν ὃν φέροιεν ἀπῇσαν. 53. πρῶτόν τε ἦρξε καὶ ἐς τἆλλα τῇ πόλει ἐπὶ πλέον ἀνομίας τὸ νόσημα. ῥᾷον γὰρ ἐτόλμα τις ἃ πρότερον ἀπεκρύπτετο μὴ καθ᾽ ἡδονὴν ποιεῖν, ἀγχίστροφον τὴν μεταβολὴν ὁρῶντες τῶν τε εὐδαιμόνων καὶ αἰφνιδίως θνῃσκόντων καὶ τῶν οὐδὲν πρότερον κεκτημένων, εὐθὺς δὲ τἀκείνων ἐχόντων. [2] ὥστε ταχείας τὰς ἐπαυρέσεις καὶ πρὸς τὸ τερπνὸν ἠξίουν ποιεῖσθαι, ἐφήμερα τά τε σώματα καὶ τὰ χρήματα ὁμοίως ἡγούμενοι. [3] καὶ τὸ μὲν προσταλαιπωρεῖν τῷ δόξαντι καλῷ οὐδεὶς πρόθυμος ἦν, ἄδηλον νομίζων εἰ πρὶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸ ἐλθεῖν διαφθαρήσεται: ὅτι δὲ ἤδη τε ἡδὺ πανταχόθεν τε ἐς αὐτὸ κερδαλέον, τοῦτο καὶ καλὸν καὶ χρήσιμον κατέστη. [4] θεῶν δὲ φόβος ἢ ἀνθρώπων νόμος οὐδεὶς ἀπεῖργε, τὸ μὲν κρίνοντες ἐν ὁμοίῳ καὶ σέβειν καὶ μὴ ἐκ τοῦ πάντας ὁρᾶν ἐν ἴσῳ ἀπολλυμένους, τῶν δὲ ἁμαρτημάτων οὐδεὶς ἐλπίζων μέχρι τοῦ δίκην γενέσθαι βιοὺς ἂν τὴν τιμωρίαν ἀντιδοῦναι, πολὺ δὲ μείζω τὴν ἤδη κατεψηφισμένην σφῶν ἐπικρεμασθῆναι, ἣν πρὶν ἐμπεσεῖν εἰκὸς εἶναι τοῦ βίου τι ἀπολαῦσαι. 54. τοιούτῳ μὲν πάθει οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι περιπεσόντες ἐπιέζοντο, ἀνθρώπων τ᾽ ἔνδον θνῃσκόντων καὶ γῆς ἔξω δῃουμένης. [2] ἐν δὲ τῷ κακῷ οἷα εἰκὸς ἀνεμνήσθησαν καὶ τοῦδε τοῦ ἔπους, φάσκοντες οἱ πρεσβύτεροι πάλαι ᾁδεσθαι “‘ἥξει Δωριακὸς πόλεμος καὶ λοιμὸς ἅμ᾽ αὐτῷ.’ ” [3] ἐγένετο μὲν οὖν ἔρις τοῖς ἀνθρώποις μὴ λοιμὸν ὠνομάσθαι ἐν τῷ ἔπει ὑπὸ τῶν παλαιῶν, ἀλλὰ λιμόν, ἐνίκησε δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος εἰκότως λοιμὸν εἰρῆσθαι: οἱ γὰρ ἄνθρωποι πρὸς ἃ ἔπασχον τὴν μνήμην ἐποιοῦντο. ἢν δέ γε οἶμαί ποτε ἄλλος πόλεμος καταλάβῃ Δωρικὸς τοῦδε ὕστερος καὶ ξυμβῇ γενέσθαι λιμόν, κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς οὕτως ᾁσονται. [4] μνήμη δὲ ἐγένετο καὶ τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίων χρηστηρίου τοῖς εἰδόσιν, ὅτε ἐπερωτῶσιν αὐτοῖς τὸν θεὸν εἰ χρὴ πολεμεῖν ἀνεῖλε κατὰ κράτος πολεμοῦσι νίκην ἔσεσθαι, καὶ αὐτὸς ἔφη ξυλλήψεσθαι. [5] περὶ μὲν οὖν τοῦ χρηστηρίου τὰ γιγνόμενα ᾔκαζον ὁμοῖα εἶναι: ἐσβεβληκότων δὲ τῶν Πελοποννησίων ἡ νόσος ἤρξατο εὐθύς, καὶ ἐς μὲν Πελοπόννησον οὐκ ἐσῆλθεν, ὅτι καὶ ἄξιον εἰπεῖν, ἐπενείματο δὲ Ἀθήνας μὲν μάλιστα, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων χωρίων τὰ πολυανθρωπότατα. ταῦτα μὲν τὰ κατὰ τὴν νόσον γενόμενα. Thuc. 2-48-2.54 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. https://catalog.perseus.org/catalog/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:2.48 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:2.49 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:2.50 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:2.51 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:2.52 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:2.53 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:2.54
48.It first began, it is said, in the parts of Ethiopia above Egypt, and thence descended into Egypt and Libya and into most of the king's country. [2] Suddenly falling upon Athens, it first attacked the population in Piraeus,—which was the occasion of their saying that the Peloponnesians had poisoned the reservoirs, there being as yet no wells there—and afterwards appeared in the upper city, when the deaths became much more frequent. [3] All speculation as to its origin and its causes, if causes can be found adequate to produce so great a disturbance, I leave to other writers, whether lay or professional; for myself, I shall simply set down its nature, and explain the symptoms by which perhaps it may be recognized by the student, if it should ever break out again. This I can the better do, as I had the disease myself, and watched its operation in the case of others. 49. That year then is admitted to have been otherwise unprecedentedly free from sickness; and such few cases as occurred, all determined in this. [2] As a rule, however, there was no ostensible cause; but people in good health were all of a sudden attacked by violent heats in the head, and redness and inflammation in the eyes, the inward parts, such as the throat or tongue, becoming bloody and emitting an unnatural and fetid breath. [3] These symptoms were followed by sneezing and hoarseness, after which the pain soon reached the chest, and produced a hard cough. When it fixed in the stomach, it upset it; and discharges of bile of every kind named by physicians ensued, accompanied by very great distress. [4] In most cases also an ineffectual retching followed, producing violent spasms, which in some cases ceased soon after, in others much later. [5] Externally the body was not very hot to the touch, nor pale in its appearance, but reddish, livid, and breaking out into small pustules and ulcers. But internally it burned so that the patient could not bear to have on him clothing or linen even of the very lightest description; or indeed to be otherwise than stark naked. What they would have liked best would have been to throw themselves into cold water; as indeed was done by some of the neglected sick, who plunged into the rain-tanks in their agonies of unquenchable thirst; though it made no difference whether they drank little or much. [6] Besides this, the miserable feeling of not being able to rest or sleep never ceased to torment them. The body meanwhile did not waste away so long as the distemper was at its height, but held out to a marvel against its ravages; so that when they succumbed, as in most cases, on the seventh or eighth day to the internal inflammation, they had still some strength in them. But if they passed this stage, and the disease descended further into the bowels, inducing a violent ulceration there accompanied by severe diarrhea, this brought on a weakness which was generally fatal. [7] For the disorder first settled in the head, ran its course from thence through the whole of the body, and even where it did not prove mortal, it still left its mark on the extremities; [8] for it settled in the privy parts, the fingers and the toes, and many escaped with the loss of these, some too with that of their eyes. Others again were seized with an entire loss of memory on their first recovery, and did not know either themselves or their friends. 50. But while the nature of the distemper was such as to baffle all description, and its attacks almost too grievous for human nature to endure, it was still in the following circumstance that its difference from all ordinary disorders was most clearly shown. All the birds and beasts that prey upon human bodies, either abstained from touching them （though there were many lying unburied）, or died after tasting them. [2] In proof of this, it was noticed that birds of this kind actually disappeared; they were not about the bodies, or indeed to be seen at all. But of course the effects which I have mentioned could best be studied in a domestic animal like the dog. 51. Such then, if we pass over the varieties of particular cases, which were many and peculiar, were the general features of the distemper. Meanwhile the town enjoyed an immunity from all the ordinary disorders; or if any case occurred, it ended in this. [2] Some died in neglect, others in the midst of every attention. No remedy was found that could be used as a specific; for what did good in one case, did harm in another. [3] Strong and weak constitutions proved equally incapable of resistance, all alike being swept away, although dieted with the utmost precaution. [4] By far the most terrible feature in the malady was the dejection which ensued when anyone felt himself sickening, for the despair into which they instantly fell took away their power of resistance, and left them a much easier prey to the disorder; besides which, there was the awful spectacle of men dying like sheep, through having caught the infection in nursing each other. This caused the greatest mortality. [5] On the one hand, if they were afraid to visit each other, they perished from neglect; indeed many houses were emptied of their inmates for want of a nurse: on the other, if they ventured to do so, death was the consequence. This was especially the case with such as made any pretensions to goodness: honor made them unsparing of themselves in their attendance in their friends' houses, where even the members of the family were at last worn out by the moans of the dying, and succumbed to the force of the disaster. [6] Yet it was with those who had recovered from the disease that the sick and the dying found most compassion. These knew what it was from experience, and had now no fear for themselves; for the same man was never attacked twice—never at least fatally. And such persons not only received the congratulations of others, but themselves also, in the elation of the moment, half entertained the vain hope that they were for the future safe from any disease whatsoever. 52. An aggravation of the existing calamity was the influx from the country into the city, and this was especially felt by the new arrivals. [2] As there were no houses to receive them, they had to be lodged at the hot season of the year in stifling cabins, where the mortality raged without restraint. The bodies of dying men lay one upon another, and half-dead creatures reeled about the streets and gathered round all the fountains in their longing for water. [3] The sacred places also in which they had quartered themselves were full of corpses of persons that had died there, just as they were; for as the disaster passed all bounds, men, not knowing what was to become of them, became utterly careless of everything, whether sacred or profane. [4] All the burial rites before in use were entirely upset, and they buried the bodies as best they could. Many from want of the proper appliances, through so many of their friends having died already, had recourse to the most shameless sepultures: sometimes getting the start of those who had raised a pile, they threw their own dead body upon the stranger's pyre and ignited it; sometimes they tossed the corpse which they were carrying on the top of another that was burning, and so went off. 53. Nor was this the only form of lawless extravagance which owed its origin to the plague. Men now coolly ventured on what they had formerly done in a corner, and not just as they pleased, seeing the rapid transitions produced by persons in prosperity suddenly dying and those who before had nothing succeeding to their property. [2] So they resolved to spend quickly and enjoy themselves, regarding their lives and riches as alike things of a day. [3] Perseverance in what men called honor was popular with none, it was so uncertain whether they would be spared to attain the object; but it was settled that present enjoyment, and all that contributed to it, was both honorable and useful. [4] Fear of gods or law of man there was none to restrain them. As for the first, they judged it to be just the same whether they worshipped them or not, as they saw all alike perishing; and for the last, no one expected to live to be brought to trial for his offences, but each felt that a far severer sentence had been already passed upon them all and hung ever over their heads, and before this fell it was only reasonable to enjoy life a little. 54. Such was the nature of the calamity, and heavily did it weigh on the Athenians; death raging within the city and devastation without. [2] Among other things which they remembered in their distress was, very naturally, the following verse which the old men said had long ago been uttered: “ A Dorian war shall come and with it death. ” [3] So a dispute arose as to whether dearth and not death had not been the word in the verse; but at the present juncture, it was of course decided in favor of the latter; for the people made their recollection fit in with their sufferings. I fancy, however, that if another Dorian war should ever afterwards come upon us, and a dearth should happen to accompany it, the verse will probably be read accordingly. [4] The oracle also which had been given to the Lacedaemonians was now remembered by those who knew of it. When the God was asked whether they should go to war, he answered that if they put their might into it, victory would be theirs, and that he would himself be with them. [5] With this oracle events were supposed to tally. For the plague broke out so soon as the Peloponnesians invaded Attica, and never entering Peloponnese （not at least to an extent worth noticing）, committed its worst ravages at Athens, and next to Athens, at the most populous of the other towns. Such was the history of the plague. Thuc. 2.48-2.54 Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910. https://catalog.perseus.org/catalog/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:2.48 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:2.49 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:2.50 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:2.51 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:2.52 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:2.53 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:2.54
Plague of Athens
epidemic at Athens in 430 BC
Λοιμός των Αθηνών
The Thucydides syndrome Langmuir AD, Worthen TD, Solomon J, Ray CG, Petersen E. The Thucydides syndrome. A new hypothesis for the cause of the plague of Athens. N Engl J Med. 1985 Oct 17;313(16):1027-30. doi: 10.1056/NEJM198510173131618. PMID: 3900725.
The next summer the truce for a year ended, after lasting until the Pythian games. During the armistice the Athenians expelled the Delians from Delos, concluding that they must have been polluted by some old offense at the time of their consecration, and that this had been the omission in the previous purification of the island, which as I have related, had been thought to have been duly accomplished by the removal of the graves of the dead. The Delians had Atramyttium in Asia given them by Pharnaces, and settled there as they removed from Delos. Thuc. 5.1.1 Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:5.1.1
τοῦ δ᾽ ἐπιγιγνομένου θέρους αἱ μὲν ἐνιαύσιοι σπονδαὶ διελέλυντο μέχρι Πυθίων, καὶ ἐν τῇ ἐκεχειρίᾳ Ἀθηναῖοι Δηλίους ἀνέστησαν ἐκ Δήλου, ἡγησάμενοι κατὰ παλαιάν τινα αἰτίαν οὐ καθαροὺς ὄντας ἱερῶσθαι, καὶ ἅμα ἐλλιπὲς σφίσιν εἶναι τοῦτο τῆς καθάρσεως, ᾗ πρότερόν μοι δεδήλωται ὡς ἀνελόντες τὰς θήκας τῶν τεθνεώτων ὀρθῶς ἐνόμισαν ποιῆσαι. καὶ οἱ μὲν Δήλιοι Ἀτραμύττιον Φαρνάκου δόντος αὐτοῖς ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ ᾤκησαν, οὕτως ὡς ἕκαστος ὥρμητο. Thuc. 5.1.1 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:5.1.1
famine in Rome in 365 BC
λιμός στη Ρώμη το 356 π.Χ.
7. Now the people at home deposed the above-mentioned generals, with the exception of Conon; and as his colleagues they chose two men, Adeimantus and Philocles. As for those generals who had taken part in the battle, two of them—Protomachus and Aristogenes—did not return to Athens, but when the other six came home— [2] Pericles, Diomedon, Lysias, Aristocrates, Thrasyllus, and Erasinides,—Archedemus, who was at that time a leader of the popular party at Athens and had charge of the two-obol fund,1 brought accusation against Erasinides before a court and urged that a fine be imposed upon him, claiming that he had in his possession money from the Hellespont which belonged to the people; he accused him, further, of misconduct as general. And the court decreed that Erasinides should be imprisoned. [3] After this the generals made a statement before the Senate in regard to the battle and the violence of the storm; and upon motion of2 Timocrates, that the others also should be imprisoned and turned over to the Assembly for trial, the Senate imprisoned them. [4] After this a meeting of the Assembly was called, at which a number of people, and particularly Theramenes, spoke against the generals, saying that they ought to render an account of their conduct in not picking up the shipwrecked. For as proof that the generals fastened the responsibility upon no person apart from themselves, Theramenes showed a letter which they had sent to the Senate and to the Assembly, in which they put the blame upon nothing but the storm. [5] After this the several generals spoke in their own defence (though briefly, for they were not granted the hearing prescribed by the law) and stated what they had done, saying that they themselves undertook to sail against the enemy and that they assigned the duty of recovering the shipwrecked to certain of the captains who were competent men and had been generals in the past,—Theramenes, Thrasybulus, and others of that sort; [6] and if they had to blame any, they could blame no one else in the matter of the recovery except these men, to whom the duty was assigned. “And we shall not,” they added, “just because they accuse us, falsely say that they were to blame, but rather that it was the violence of the storm which prevented the recovery.” [7] They offered as witnesses to the truth of these statements the pilots and many others among their ship-companions. With such arguments they were on the point of persuading the Assembly, and many of the citizens rose and wanted to give bail for them; it was decided, however, that the matter should be postponed to another meeting of the Assembly (for3 by that time it was late in the day and they could not have distinguished the hands in the voting), and that the Senate should draft and bring in a proposal4 regarding the manner in which the men should be tried. [8] After this the Apaturia5 was celebrated, at which fathers and kinsmen meet together. Accordingly Theramenes and his supporters arranged at this festival with a large number of people, who were clad in mourning garments and had their hair close shaven, to attend the meeting of the Assembly, pretending that they were kinsmen of those who had perished, and they bribed Callixeinus to accuse the generals in the Senate. [9] Then they called an Assembly, at which the Senate brought in its proposal, which Callixeinus had drafted in the following terms: “Resolved, that since the Athenians have heard in the previous meeting of the Assembly both the accusers who brought charges against the generals and the generals speaking in their own defence, they do now one and all cast their votes by tribes; and that two urns be set at the voting-place of each tribe; and that in each tribe a herald proclaim that whoever adjudges the generals guilty, for not picking up the men who won the victory in the naval battle, shall cast his vote in the first urn, and whoever adjudges them not guilty, shall cast his vote in the second; [10] and if they be adjudged guilty, that they be punished with death and handed over to the Eleven,6 and that their property be confiscated and the tenth thereof belong to the goddess.”7 [11] And there came before the8 Assembly a man who said that he had been saved by floating upon a meal-tub, and that those who were perishing charged him to report to the people, if he were saved, that the generals did not pick up the men who had proved themselves most brave in the service of their country. [12] Now Euryptolemus, the son of Peisianax, and some others served a summons upon Callixeinus, alleging that he had made an unconstitutional proposal. And some of the people applauded this act, but the greater number cried out that it was monstrous if the people were to be prevented from doing whatever they wished. [13] Indeed, when Lyciscus thereupon moved that these men also should be judged by the very same vote as the generals, unless they withdrew the summons, the mob broke out again with shouts of approval, and they were compelled to withdraw the summonses. [14] Furthermore, when some of the Prytanes9 refused to put the question to the vote in violation of the law, Callixeinus again mounted the platform10 and urged the same charge against them; and the crowd cried out to summon to court those who refused. [15] Then the Prytanes, stricken with fear, agreed to put the question,—all of them except Socrates,11 the son of Sophroniscus; and he said that in no case would he act except in accordance with the law. [16] After this Euryptolemus mounted the platform and spoke as follows in defence of the generals: “I have come to the platform, men of Athens, partly to accuse Pericles, though he is my kinsman and intimate, and Diomedon, who is my friend, partly12 to speak in their defence, and partly to advise the measures which seem to me to be best for the state as a whole. [17] I accuse them, because they persuaded their colleagues to change their purpose when they wanted to send a letter to the Senate and to you, in which they stated that they assigned to Theramenes and Thrasybulus, with forty-seven triremes, the duty of picking up the shipwrecked, and that they failed to perform this duty. [18] Such being the case, are these generals to share the blame now with Theramenes and Thrasybulus, although it was those alone who blundered, and are they now, in return for the humanity they showed then, to be put in hazard of their lives through the machinations of those men and certain others? [19] No! at least not if you take my advice and follow the just and righteous course, the course which will best enable you to learn the truth and to avoid finding out hereafter, to your sorrow, that it is you yourselves who have sinned most grievously, not only against the gods, but against yourselves. The advice I give you is such that, it you follow it, you cannot be deceived either by me or by anyone else, and that with full knowledge you will punish the guilty with whatever punishment you may desire, either all of them together or each one separately, namely, by first granting them at least one day, if not more, to speak in their own defence, and by putting your trust, not so much in others, but in yourselves. [20] Now you all know, men of Athens, that the decree of Cannonus is exceedingly severe: it provides that if anyone shall wrong the people of Athens, he shall plead his case in fetters before the people, and if he be adjudged guilty, he shall be put to death by being cast into13 the pit, and his property shall be confiscated and the tenth part thereof shall belong to the goddess. [21] Under this decree I urge you to try the generals, and, by Zeus, if it so please you, Pericles, my kinsman, first of them all; for it would be base for me to think more of him than of the general interests of the state. [22] Or if you do not wish to do this, try them under the following law, which applies to temple-robbers and traitors: namely, if anyone shall be a traitor to the state or shall steal sacred property, he shall be tried before a court, and if he be convicted, he shall not be buried in Attica, and his property shall be confiscated. [23] By whichever of these laws you choose, men of Athens, let the men be tried, each one separately,14 and let the day be divided into three parts, one wherein you shall gather and vote as to whether you judge them guilty or not, another wherein the accusers shall present their case, and another wherein the accused shall make their defence. [24] “If this is done, the guilty will incur the severest punishment, and the guiltless will be set free by you, men of Athens, and will not be put to death unjustly. [25] As for yourselves, you will be granting a trial in accordance with the law and standing true to religion and your oaths, and you will not be fighting on the side of the Lacedaemonians by putting to death the men who captured seventy ships from them and defeated them,—by putting to death these men, I say, without a trial, in violation of the law. [26] What is it, pray, that you fear, that you are in such15 excessive haste? Do you fear lest you will lose the right to put to death and set free anyone you please if you proceed in accordance with the law, but think that you will retain this right if you proceed in violation of the law, by the method which Callixeinus persuaded the Senate to report to the people, that is, by a single vote? [27] Yes, but you might possibly be putting to death some one who is really innocent; and repentance afterwards—ah, remember how painful and unavailing it always is, and especially when one's error has brought about a man's death. [28] You would do a monstrous thing if, after granting in the past to Aristarchus,16 the destroyer of the democracy and afterwards the betrayer of Oenoe to your enemies the Thebans, a day in which to defend himself as he pleased, and allowing him all his other rights under the law,—if, I say, you shall now deprive the generals, who have done everything to your satisfaction, and have defeated the enemy, of these same rights. [29] Let no such act be yours, men of Athens, but guard the laws, which are your own and above all else have made you supremely great, and do not try to do anything without their sanction. “And now come back to the actual circumstances under which the mistakes are thought to have been committed by the generals. When, after winning the battle, they sailed in to the shore, Diomedon urged that they should one and all put out to sea in line and pick up the wreckage and the shipwrecked men, while Erasinides proposed that all should sail with the utmost speed against the enemy at Mytilene. But Thrasyllus said that both things17 would be accomplished if they should leave some of the ships there and should sail with the rest against the enemy; [30] and if this plan were decided upon, he advised that each of the generals, who were eight in number, should leave behind three ships from his own division, and that they should also leave the ten ships of the taxiarchs, the ten of the Samians, and the three of the nauarchs. These amount all told to forty-seven ships, four for each one of the lost vessels, which were twelve in number. [31] Among the captains who were left behind were both Thrasybulus and Theramenes, the man who accused the generals at the former meeting of the Assembly. And with the rest of the ships they planned to sail against the enemy's fleet. Now what one of these acts did they not do adequately and well? It is but just, therefore, that those, on the one hand, who were detailed to go against the enemy should be held to account for their lack of success in dealing with the enemy, and that those, on the other hand, who were detailed to recover the shipwrecked, in case they did not do what the generals ordered, should be tried for not recovering them. [32] This much, however, I can say in defence of both parties, that the storm absolutely prevented them from doing any of the things which the generals had planned. And as witnesses to this fact you have those who were saved by mere chance, among whom is one of our generals, who came through safely on a disabled ship, and whom they now bid you judge by the same vote (although at that time he needed to be picked up himself) by which you judge those who did not do what they18 were ordered to do. [33] Do not, then, men of Athens, in the face of your victory and your good fortune, act like men who are beaten and unfortunate, nor, in the face of heaven's visitation, show yourselves unreasonable by giving a verdict of treachery instead of helplessness, since they found themselves unable on account of the storm to do what they had been ordered to do; nay, it would be far more just for you to honour the victors with garlands than, yielding to the persuasions of wicked men, to punish them with death.” [34] When Euryptolemus had thus spoken, he offered a resolution that the men be tried under the decree of Cannonus, each one separately; whereas the proposal of the Senate was to judge them all by a single vote. The vote being now taken as between these two proposals, they decided at first in favour of the resolution of Euryptolemus; but when Menecles interposed an objection under oath19 and a second vote was taken, they decided in favour of that of the Senate. After this they condemned the generals who took part in the battle, eight in all; and the six who were in Athens were put to death. [35] And not long afterwards the Athenians repented, and they voted that complaints20 be brought against any who had deceived the people, that they furnish bondsmen men until such time as they should be brought to21 trial, and that Callixeinus be included among them. Complaints were brought against four others also, and they were put into confinement by their bondsmen. But when there broke out afterwards a factional disturbance, in the course of which Cleophon22 was put to death, these men escaped, before being brought to trial; Callixeinus indeed returned, at the time when the Piraeus party returned to the city,23 but he was hated by everybody and died of starvation. 1 For the relief of poverty and distress caused by the war, not to be confounded with the theoric fund; see Wilamowitz, Aristoteles und Athen, Vol. II. pp. 212 ff. 2 406 B.C. 3 406 B.C. 4 Athenian procedure required in general that a matter should first be considered by the Senate, whose προβούλεύμα, or preliminary resolution, was then referred to the Assembly for final action. 5 A family festival, at which the members of each Athenian clan gathered together. 6 A Board which had charge of condemned prisoners and of the execution of the death sentence. 7 Athena, the state deity, into whose treasury a tenth part of the revenue derived from confiscations was regularly paid. 8 406 B.C. 9 An executive committee of the Senate, who presided over the meetings of both Senate and Assembly. 10 i.e. the βῆμα. 11 On Socrates' conduct at this time cp. Plato, Apol. 32B and Xen. Mem. I. i. 18. 12 406 B.C. 13 406 B.C. 14 It was a general principle of Athenian law—perhaps specifically stated in the decree of Cannonus (see above)—that each accused person had the right to a separate trial. 15 406 B.C. 16 In 411 B.C. Aristarchus helped to establish the short-lived oligarchical government of the Four Hundred. 17 406 B.C. 18 406 B.C. 19 Apparently questioning the legality of Euryptolemus' proposal. Under the law such an objection should have suspended the consideration of the matter before the Assembly, but in this case it seems to have had no such result. 20 A προβολή was a complaint presented to the Assembly, alleging an offence against the state. The Assembly, acting as a grand jury, might then hold the accused for trial before a court. 21 406 B.C. 22 A popular leader of the democratic party. 23 i.e., in the restoration which followed the overthrow of the Thirty Tyrants (Xen. Hell. 2.4.39-43). Xen. Hell. 1.7 Xenophon. Xenophon in Seven Volumes, 1 and 2. Carleton L. Brownson. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA; William Heinemann, Ltd., London. vol. 1:1918; vol. 2: 1921.
7. οἱ δ᾽ ἐν οἴκῳ τούτους μὲν τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἔπαυσαν πλὴν Κόνωνος: πρὸς δὲ τούτῳ εἵλοντο Ἀδείμαντον καὶ τρίτον Φιλοκλέα. [2] τῶν δὲ ναυμαχησάντων στρατηγῶν Πρωτόμαχος μὲν καὶ Ἀριστογένης οὐκ ἀπῆλθον εἰς Ἀθήνας, τῶν δὲ ἓξ καταπλευσάντων, Περικλέους καὶ Διομέδοντος καὶ Λυσίου καὶ Ἀριστοκράτους καὶ Θρασύλλου καὶ Ἐρασινίδου, Ἀρχέδημος ὁ τοῦ δήμου τότε προεστηκὼς ἐν Ἀθήναις καὶ τῆς διωβελίας ἐπιμελόμενος Ἐρασινίδῃ ἐπιβολὴν ἐπιβαλὼν κατηγόρει ἐν δικαστηρίῳ, φάσκων ἐξ Ἑλλησπόντου αὐτὸν ἔχειν χρήματα ὄντα τοῦ δήμου: κατηγόρει δὲ καὶ περὶ τῆς στρατηγίας. καὶ ἔδοξε τῷ δικαστηρίῳ δῆσαι τὸν Ἐρασινίδην. [3] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐν τῇ βουλῇ διηγοῦντο οἱ στρατηγοὶ περί τε τῆς ναυμαχίας καὶ τοῦ μεγέθους τοῦ χειμῶνος. Τιμοκράτους δ᾽ εἰπόντος ὅτι καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους χρὴ δεθέντας εἰς τὸν δῆμον παραδοθῆναι, ἡ βουλὴ ἔδησε. [4] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐκκλησία ἐγένετο, ἐν ᾗ τῶν στρατηγῶν κατηγόρουν ἄλλοι τε καὶ Θηραμένης μάλιστα, δικαίους εἶναι λόγον ὑποσχεῖν διότι οὐκ ἀνείλοντο τοὺς ναυαγούς. ὅτι μὲν γὰρ οὐδενὸς ἄλλου καθήπτοντο, ἐπιστολὴν ἐπεδείκνυε μαρτύριον ἣν ἔπεμψαν οἱ στρατηγοὶ εἰς τὴν βουλὴν καὶ εἰς τὸν δῆμον, ἄλλο οὐδὲν αἰτιώμενοι ἢ τὸν χειμῶνα. [5] μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ οἱ στρατηγοὶ βραχέως ἕκαστος ἀπελογήσατο （οὐ γὰρ προυτέθη σφίσι λόγος κατὰ τὸν νόμον）, καὶ τὰ πεπραγμένα διηγοῦντο, ὅτι αὐτοὶ μὲν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους πλέοιεν, τὴν δὲ ἀναίρεσιν τῶν ναυαγῶν προστάξαιεν τῶν τριηράρχων ἀνδράσιν ἱκανοῖς καὶ ἐστρατηγηκόσιν ἤδη, Θηραμένει καὶ Θρασυβούλῳ καὶ ἄλλοις τοιούτοις: [6] καὶ εἴπερ γέ τινας δέοι, περὶ τῆς ἀναιρέσεως οὐδένα ἄλλον ἔχειν αὐτοὺς αἰτιάσασθαι ἢ τούτους οἷς προσετάχθη. καὶ οὐχ ὅτι γε κατηγοροῦσιν ἡμῶν, ἔφασαν, ψευσόμεθα φάσκοντες αὐτοὺς αἰτίους εἶναι, ἀλλὰ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ χειμῶνος εἶναι τὸ κωλῦσαν τὴν ἀναίρεσιν. τούτων δὲ μάρτυρας παρείχοντο τοὺς κυβερνήτας καὶ ἄλλους τῶν συμπλεόντων πολλούς. τοιαῦτα λέγοντες ἔπειθον τὸν δῆμον: [7] ἐβούλοντο δὲ πολλοὶ τῶν ἰδιωτῶν ἐγγυᾶσθαι ἀνιστάμενοι: ἔδοξε δὲ ἀναβαλέσθαι εἰς ἑτέραν ἐκκλησίαν （τότε γὰρ ὀψὲ ἦν καὶ τὰς χεῖρας οὐκ ἂν καθεώρων）, τὴν δὲ βουλὴν προβουλεύσασαν εἰσενεγκεῖν ὅτῳ τρόπῳ οἱ ἄνδρες κρίνοιντο. [8] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐγίγνετο Ἀπατούρια, ἐν οἷς οἵ τε πατέρες καὶ οἱ συγγενεῖς σύνεισι σφίσιν αὐτοῖς. οἱ οὖν περὶ τὸν Θηραμένην παρεσκεύασαν ἀνθρώπους μέλανα ἱμάτια ἔχοντας καὶ ἐν χρῷ κεκαρμένους πολλοὺς ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ἑορτῇ, ἵνα πρὸς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἥκοιεν, ὡς δὴ συγγενεῖς ὄντες τῶν ἀπολωλότων, καὶ Καλλίξενον ἔπεισαν ἐν τῇ βουλῇ κατηγορεῖν τῶν στρατηγῶν. [9] ἐντεῦθεν ἐκκλησίαν ἐποίουν, εἰς ἣν ἡ βουλὴ εἰσήνεγκε τὴν ἑαυτῆς γνώμην Καλλιξένου εἰπόντος τήνδε: ἐπειδὴ τῶν τε κατηγορούντων κατὰ τῶν στρατηγῶν καὶ ἐκείνων ἀπολογουμένων ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀκηκόασι, διαψηφίσασθαι Ἀθηναίους ἅπαντας κατὰ φυλάς: θεῖναι δὲ εἰς τὴν φυλὴν ἑκάστην δύο ὑδρίας: ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῃ δὲ τῇ φυλῇ κήρυκα κηρύττειν, ὅτῳ δοκοῦσιν ἀδικεῖν οἱ στρατηγοὶ οὐκ ἀνελόμενοι τοὺς νικήσαντας ἐν τῇ ναυμαχίᾳ, εἰς τὴν προτέραν ψηφίσασθαι, ὅτῳ δὲ μή, εἰς τὴν ὑστέραν: [10] ἂν δὲ δόξωσιν ἀδικεῖν, θανάτῳ ζημιῶσαι καὶ τοῖς ἕνδεκα παραδοῦναι καὶ τὰ χρήματα δημοσιεῦσαι, τὸ δ᾽ ἐπιδέκατον τῆς θεοῦ εἶναι. [11] παρῆλθε δέ τις εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν φάσκων ἐπὶ τεύχους ἀλφίτων σωθῆναι: ἐπιστέλλειν δ᾽ αὐτῷ τοὺς ἀπολλυμένους, ἐὰν σωθῇ, ἀπαγγεῖλαι τῷ δήμῳ ὅτι οἱ στρατηγοὶ οὐκ ἀνείλοντο τοὺς ἀρίστους ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος γενομένους. [12] τὸν δὲ Καλλίξενον προσεκαλέσαντο παράνομα φάσκοντες συγγεγραφέναι Εὐρυπτόλεμός τε ὁ Πεισιάνακτος καὶ ἄλλοι τινές. τοῦ δὲ δήμου ἔνιοι ταῦτα ἐπῄνουν, τὸ δὲ πλῆθος ἐβόα δεινὸν εἶναι εἰ μή τις ἐάσει τὸν δῆμον πράττειν ὃ ἂν βούληται. [13] καὶ ἐπὶ τούτοις εἰπόντος Λυκίσκου καὶ τούτους τῇ αὐτῇ ψήφῳ κρίνεσθαι ᾗπερ καὶ τοὺς στρατηγούς, ἐὰν μὴ ἀφῶσι τὴν κλῆσιν, ἐπεθορύβησε πάλιν ὁ ὄχλος, καὶ ἠναγκάσθησαν ἀφιέναι τὰς κλήσεις. [14] τῶν δὲ πρυτάνεών τινων οὐ φασκόντων προθήσειν τὴν διαψήφισιν παρὰ τὸν νόμον, αὖθις Καλλίξενος ἀναβὰς κατηγόρει αὐτῶν τὰ αὐτά. [15] οἱ δὲ ἐβόων καλεῖν τοὺς οὐ φάσκοντας. οἱ δὲ πρυτάνεις φοβηθέντες ὡμολόγουν πάντες προθήσειν πλὴν Σωκράτους τοῦ Σωφρονίσκου: οὗτος δ᾽ οὐκ ἔφη ἀλλ᾽ ἢ κατὰ νόμον πάντα ποιήσειν. [16] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἀναβὰς Εὐρυπτόλεμος ἔλεξεν ὑπὲρ τῶν στρατηγῶν τάδε. τὰ μὲν κατηγορήσων, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀνέβην ἐνθάδε Περικλέους ἀναγκαίου μοι ὄντος καὶ ἐπιτηδείου καὶ Διομέδοντος φίλου, τὰ δ᾽ ὑπεραπολογησόμενος, τὰ δὲ συμβουλεύσων ἅ μοι δοκεῖ ἄριστα εἶναι ἁπάσῃ τῇ πόλει. [17] κατηγορῶ μὲν οὖν αὐτῶν ὅτι ἔπεισαν τοὺς συνάρχοντας βουλομένους πέμπειν γράμματα τῇ τε βουλῇ καὶ ὑμῖν ὅτι ἐπέταξαν τῷ Θηραμένει καὶ Θρασυβούλῳ τετταράκοντα καὶ ἑπτὰ τριήρεσιν ἀνελέσθαι τοὺς ναυαγούς, οἱ δὲ οὐκ ἀνείλοντο. [18] εἶτα νῦν τὴν αἰτίαν κοινὴν ἔχουσιν ἐκείνων ἰδίᾳ ἁμαρτόντων, καὶ ἀντὶ τῆς τότε φιλανθρωπίας νῦν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων τε καί τινων ἄλλων ἐπιβουλευόμενοι κινδυνεύουσιν ἀπολέσθαι; [19] οὔκ, ἂν ὑμεῖς γέ μοι πείθησθε τὰ δίκαια καὶ ὅσια ποιοῦντες, καὶ ὅθεν μάλιστ᾽ ἀληθῆ πεύσεσθε καὶ οὐ μετανοήσαντες ὕστερον εὑρήσετε σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἡμαρτηκότας τὰ μέγιστα εἰς θεούς τε καὶ ὑμᾶς αὐτούς. συμβουλεύω δ᾽ ὑμῖν, ἐν οἷς οὔθ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ οὔθ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἄλλου οὐδενὸς ἔστιν ἐξαπατηθῆναι ὑμᾶς, καὶ τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας εἰδότες κολάσεσθε ᾗ ἂν βούλησθε δίκῃ, καὶ ἅμα πάντας καὶ καθ᾽ ἕνα ἕκαστον, εἰ μὴ πλέον, ἀλλὰ μίαν ἡμέραν δόντες αὐτοῖς ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν ἀπολογήσασθαι, μὴ ἄλλοις μᾶλλον πιστεύοντες ἢ ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς. [20] ἴστε δέ, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, πάντες ὅτι τὸ Καννωνοῦ ψήφισμά ἐστιν ἰσχυρότατον, ὃ κελεύει, ἐάν τις τὸν τῶν Ἀθηναίων δῆμον ἀδικῇ, δεδεμένον ἀποδικεῖν ἐν τῷ δήμῳ, καὶ ἐὰν καταγνωσθῇ ἀδικεῖν, ἀποθανεῖν εἰς τὸ βάραθρον ἐμβληθέντα, τὰ δὲ χρήματα αὐτοῦ δημευθῆναι καὶ τῆς θεοῦ τὸ ἐπιδέκατον εἶναι. [21] κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ ψήφισμα κελεύω κρίνεσθαι τοὺς στρατηγοὺς καὶ νὴ Δία, ἂν ὑμῖν γε δοκῇ, πρῶτον Περικλέα τὸν ἐμοὶ προσήκοντα: αἰσχρὸν γάρ μοί ἐστιν ἐκεῖνον περὶ πλείονος ποιεῖσθαι ἢ τὴν ὅλην πόλιν. [22] τοῦτο δ᾽ εἰ βούλεσθε, κατὰ τόνδε τὸν νόμον κρίνατε, ὅς ἐστιν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἱεροσύλοις καὶ προδόταις, ἐάν τις ἢ τὴν πόλιν προδιδῷ ἢ τὰ ἱερὰ κλέπτῃ, κριθέντα ἐν δικαστηρίῳ, ἂν καταγνωσθῇ, μὴ ταφῆναι ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ, τὰ δὲ χρήματα αὐτοῦ δημόσια εἶναι. [23] τούτων ὁποτέρῳ βούλεσθε, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τῷ νόμῳ κρινέσθων οἱ ἄνδρες κατὰ ἕνα ἕκαστον διῃρημένων τῆς ἡμέρας τριῶν μερῶν, ἑνὸς μὲν ἐν ᾧ συλλέγεσθαι ὑμᾶς δεῖ καὶ διαψηφίζεσθαι ἐάν τε ἀδικεῖν δοκῶσιν ἐάν τε μή, ἑτέρου δ᾽ ἐν ᾧ κατηγορῆσαι, ἑτέρου δ᾽ ἐν ᾧ ἀπολογήσασθαι. [24] τούτων δὲ γιγνομένων οἱ μὲν ἀδικοῦντες τεύξονται τῆς μεγίστης τιμωρίας, οἱ δ᾽ ἀναίτιοι ἐλευθερωθήσονται ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ οὐκ †ἀδικοῦντες ἀπολοῦνται. [25] ὑμεῖς δὲ κατὰ τὸν νόμον εὐσεβοῦντες καὶ εὐορκοῦντες κρινεῖτε καὶ οὐ συμπολεμήσετε Λακεδαιμονίοις τοὺς ἐκείνους ἑβδομήκοντα ναῦς ἀφελομένους καὶ νενικηκότας, τούτους ἀπολλύντες ἀκρίτους παρὰ τὸν νόμον. [26] τί δὲ καὶ δεδιότες σφόδρα οὕτως ἐπείγεσθε; ἢ μὴ οὐχ ὑμεῖς ὃν ἂν βούλησθε ἀποκτείνητε καὶ ἐλευθερώσητε, ἂν κατὰ τὸν νόμον κρίνητε, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἂν παρὰ τὸν νόμον, ὥσπερ Καλλίξενος τὴν βουλὴν ἔπεισεν εἰς τὸν δῆμον εἰσενεγκεῖν μιᾷ ψήφῳ; [27] ἀλλ᾽ ἴσως ἄν τινα καὶ οὐκ αἴτιον ὄντα †ἀποκτείναιτε†, μεταμελήσει δὴ ὕστερον. †ἀναμνήσθητε† ὡς ἀλγεινὸν καὶ ἀνωφελὲς ἤδη ἐστί, πρὸς δ᾽ ἔτι καὶ περὶ θανάτου ἀνθρώπου ἡμαρτηκότες. [28] δεινὰ δ᾽ ἂν ποιήσαιτε, εἰ Ἀριστάρχῳ μὲν πρότερον τὸν δῆμον καταλύοντι, εἶτα δ᾽ Οἰνόην προδιδόντι Θηβαίοις πολεμίοις οὖσιν, ἔδοτε ἡμέραν ἀπολογήσασθαι ᾗ ἐβούλετο καὶ τἆλλα κατὰ τὸν νόμον προύθετε, τοὺς δὲ στρατηγοὺς τοὺς πάντα ὑμῖν κατὰ γνώμην πράξαντας, νικήσαντας δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους, τῶν αὐτῶν τούτων ἀποστερήσετε. [29] μὴ ὑμεῖς γε, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀλλ᾽ ἑαυτῶν ὄντας τοὺς νόμους, δι᾽ οὓς μάλιστα μέγιστοί ἐστε, φυλάττοντες, ἄνευ τούτων μηδὲν πράττειν πειρᾶσθε. ἐπανέλθετε δὲ καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὰ τὰ πράγματα καθ᾽ ἃ καὶ αἱ ἁμαρτίαι δοκοῦσι γεγενῆσθαι τοῖς στρατηγοῖς. ἐπεὶ γὰρ κρατήσαντες τῇ ναυμαχίᾳ εἰς τὴν γῆν κατέπλευσαν, Διομέδων μὲν ἐκέλευεν ἀναχθέντας ἐπὶ κέρως ἅπαντας ἀναιρεῖσθαι τὰ ναυάγια καὶ τοὺς ναυαγούς, Ἐρασινίδης δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοὺς πρὸς Μυτιλήνην πολεμίους τὴν ταχίστην πλεῖν ἅπαντας: Θράσυλλος δὲ ἀμφότερα ἔφη γενέσθαι, ἂν τὰς μὲν αὐτοῦ καταλίπωσι, ταῖς δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους πλέωσι: [30] καὶ δοξάντων τούτων καταλιπεῖν τρεῖς ναῦς ἕκαστον ἐκ τῆς αὑτοῦ συμμορίας, τῶν στρατηγῶν ὀκτὼ ὄντων, καὶ τὰς τῶν ταξιάρχων δέκα καὶ τὰς Σαμίων δέκα καὶ τὰς τῶν ναυάρχων τρεῖς, αὗται ἅπασαι γίγνονται ἑπτὰ καὶ τετταράκοντα, τέτταρες περὶ ἑκάστην ναῦν τῶν ἀπολωλυιῶν δώδεκα οὐσῶν. [31] τῶν δὲ καταλειφθέντων τῶν τριηράρχων ἦσαν καὶ Θρασύβουλος καὶ Θηραμένης, ὃς ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ ἐκκλησίᾳ κατηγόρει τῶν στρατηγῶν. ταῖς δὲ ἄλλαις ναυσὶν ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τὰς πολεμίας. τί τούτων οὐχ ἱκανῶς καὶ καλῶς ἔπραξαν; οὐκοῦν δίκαιον τὰ μὲν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους μὴ καλῶς πραχθέντα τοὺς πρὸς τούτοις ταχθέντας ὑπέχειν λόγον, τοὺς δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἀναίρεσιν μὴ ποιήσαντας ἃ οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἐκέλευσαν, διότι οὐκ ἀνείλοντο κρίνεσθαι. [32] τοσοῦτον δ᾽ ἔχω εἰπεῖν ὑπὲρ ἀμφοτέρων, ὅτι ὁ χειμὼν διεκώλυσε μηδὲν πρᾶξαι ὧν οἱ στρατηγοὶ παρεσκευάσαντο. τούτων δὲ μάρτυρες οἱ σωθέντες ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτομάτου, ὧν εἷς τῶν ἡμετέρων στρατηγῶν ἐπὶ καταδύσης νεὼς διασωθείς, ὃν κελεύουσι τῇ αὐτῇ ψήφῳ κρίνεσθαι, καὶ αὐτὸν τότε δεόμενον ἀναιρέσεως, ᾗπερ τοὺς οὐ πράξαντας τὰ προσταχθέντα. [33] μὴ τοίνυν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀντὶ μὲν τῆς νίκης καὶ τῆς εὐτυχίας ὅμοια ποιήσητε τοῖς ἡττημένοις τε καὶ ἀτυχοῦσιν, ἀντὶ δὲ τῶν ἐκ θεοῦ ἀναγκαίων ἀγνωμονεῖν δόξητε, προδοσίαν καταγνόντες ἀντὶ τῆς ἀδυναμίας οὐχ ἱκανοὺς γενομένους διὰ τὸν χειμῶνα πρᾶξαι τὰ προσταχθέντα: ἀλλὰ πολὺ δικαιότερον στεφάνοις γεραίρειν τοὺς νικῶντας ἢ θανάτῳ ζημιοῦν πονηροῖς ἀνθρώποις πειθομένους. [34] ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν Εὐρυπτόλεμος ἔγραψε γνώμην κατὰ τὸ Καννωνοῦ ψήφισμα κρίνεσθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας δίχα ἕκαστον: ἡ δὲ τῆς βουλῆς ἦν μιᾷ ψήφῳ ἅπαντας κρίνειν. τούτων δὲ διαχειροτονουμένων τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἔκριναν τὴν Εὐρυπτολέμου: ὑπομοσαμένου δὲ Μενεκλέους καὶ πάλιν διαχειροτονίας γενομένης ἔκριναν τὴν τῆς βουλῆς. καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα κατεψηφίσαντο τῶν ναυμαχησάντων στρατηγῶν ὀκτὼ ὄντων: ἀπέθανον δὲ οἱ παρόντες ἕξ. [35] καὶ οὐ πολλῷ χρόνῳ ὕστερον μετέμελε τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, καὶ ἐψηφίσαντο, οἵτινες τὸν δῆμον ἐξηπάτησαν, προβολὰς αὐτῶν εἶναι, καὶ ἐγγυητὰς καταστῆσαι, ἕως ἂν κριθῶσιν, εἶναι δὲ καὶ Καλλίξενον τούτων. προυβλήθησαν δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι τέτταρες, καὶ ἐδέθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐγγυησαμένων, ὕστερον δὲ στάσεώς τινος γενομένης, ἐν ᾗ Κλεοφῶν ἀπέθανεν, ἀπέδρασαν οὗτοι, πρὶν κριθῆναι: Καλλίξενος δὲ κατελθὼν ὅτε καὶ οἱ ἐκ Πειραιῶς εἰς τὸ ἄστυ, μισούμενος ὑπὸ πάντων λιμῷ ἀπέθανεν. Xen. Hell. 1.7 Xenophon. Xenophontis opera omnia, vol. 1. Oxford, Clarendon Press. 1900 (repr. 1968). http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.7
Of all the causes of defection, that connected with arrears of tribute and vessels, and with failure of service, was the chief; for the Athenians were very severe and exacting, and made themselves offensive by applying the screw of necessity to men who were not used to and in fact not disposed for any continuous labour. In some other respects the Athenians were not the old popular rulers they had been at first; and if they had more than their fair share of service, it was correspondingly easy for them to reduce any that tried to leave the confederacy. For this the allies had themselves to blame; the wish to get off service making most of them arrange to pay their share of the expense in money instead of in ships, and so to avoid having to leave their homes. Thus while Athens was increasing her navy with the funds which they contributed, a revolt always found them without resources or experience for war. Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:1.56
αἰτίαι δὲ ἄλλαι τε ἦσαν τῶν ἀποστάσεων καὶ μέγισται αἱ τῶν φόρων καὶ νεῶν ἔκδειαι καὶ λιποστράτιον εἴ τῳ ἐγένετο: οἱ γὰρ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀκριβῶς ἔπρασσον καὶ λυπηροὶ ἦσαν οὐκ εἰωθόσιν οὐδὲ βουλομένοις ταλαιπωρεῖν προσάγοντες τὰς ἀνάγκας. ἦσαν δέ πως καὶ ἄλλως οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι οὐκέτι ὁμοίως ἐν ἡδονῇ ἄρχοντες, καὶ οὔτε ξυνεστράτευον ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου ῥᾴδιόν τε προσάγεσθαι ἦν αὐτοῖς τοὺς ἀφισταμένους. ὧν αὐτοὶ αἴτιοι ἐγένοντο οἱ ξύμμαχοι: διὰ γὰρ τὴν ἀπόκνησιν ταύτην τῶν στρατειῶν οἱ πλείους αὐτῶν, ἵνα μὴ ἀπ᾽ οἴκου ὦσι, χρήματα ἐτάξαντο ἀντὶ τῶν νεῶν τὸ ἱκνούμενον ἀνάλωμα φέρειν, καὶ τοῖς μὲν Ἀθηναίοις ηὔξετο τὸ ναυτικὸν ἀπὸ τῆς δαπάνης ἣν ἐκεῖνοι ξυμφέροιεν, αὐτοὶ δέ, ὁπότε ἀποσταῖεν, ἀπαράσκευοι καὶ ἄπειροι ἐς τὸν πόλεμον καθίσταντο. Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.99.1-3
financial mismanagement at the Delian League
οικονομική κακοδιαχείριση στη Δηλιακή συμμαχία
[2] Ἀλέξανδρος γὰρ βραχεῖ χρόνῳ πρότερον τῆς τελευτῆς ἔκρινε κατάγειν ἅπαντας τοὺς ἐν ταῖς Ἑλληνίσι πόλεσι φυγάδας, ἅμα μὲν δόξης ἕνεκεν, ἅμα δὲ βουλόμενος ἔχειν ἐν ἑκάστῃ πόλει πολλοὺς ἰδίους ταῖς εὐνοίαις πρὸς τοὺς νεωτερισμοὺς καὶ τὰς ἀποστάσεις τῶν Ἑλλήνων. Diod. 18.8.2 Diodori Bibliotheca Historica, Vol 4-5. Diodorus Siculus. Immanel Bekker. Ludwig Dindorf. Friedrich Vogel. Kurt Theodor Fischer. in aedibus B. G. Teubneri. Leipzig. 1903-1906. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0060.tlg001.perseus-grc2:18.8.2
[3] διόπερ ὑπογύων ὄντων τῶν Ὀλυμπίων ἐξέπεμψεν εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα Νικάνορα τὸν Σταγειρίτην, δοὺς ἐπιστολὴν περὶ τῆς καθόδου: ταύτην δὲ προσέταξεν ἐν τῇ πανηγύρει [p. 331] διὰ τοῦ νικήσαντος κήρυκος ἀναγνωσθῆναι τοῖς πλήθεσιν. Diodori Bibliotheca Historica, Vol 4-5. Diodorus Siculus. Immanel Bekker. Ludwig Dindorf. Friedrich Vogel. Kurt Theodor Fischer. in aedibus B. G. Teubneri. Leipzig. 1903-1906. Diod. 18.8.3 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0060.tlg001.perseus-grc2:18.8.3
[4] τούτου δὲ ποιήσαντος τὸ προσταχθὲν λαβὼν ὁ κῆρυξ ἀνέγνω τὴν ἐπιστολὴν τήνδε. ‘βασιλεὺς Ἀλέξανδρος τοῖς ἐκ τῶν Ἐλληνίδων πόλεων φυγάσι. τοῦ μὲν φεύγειν ὑμᾶς οὐχ ἡμεῖς αἴτιοι γεγόναμεν, τοῦ δὲ κατελθεῖν εἰς τὰς ἰδίας πατρίδας ἡμεῖς ἐσόμεθα πλὴν τῶν ἐναγῶν. γεγράφαμεν δὲ Ἀντιπάτρῳ περὶ τούτων, ὅπως τὰς μὴν βουλομένας τῶν πόλεων κατάγειν ἀναγκάσῃ.’ κηρυχθέντων δὲ Diod. 18.8.4 Diodori Bibliotheca Historica, Vol 4-5. Diodorus Siculus. Immanel Bekker. Ludwig Dindorf. Friedrich Vogel. Kurt Theodor Fischer. in aedibus B. G. Teubneri. Leipzig. 1903-1906. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0060.tlg001.perseus-grc2:18.8.4
[5] τούτων μεγάλῳ κρότῳ ἐπεσήμηνε τὸ πλῆθος: ἀποδεξάμενοι γὰρ οἱ κατὰ τὴν πανήγυριν τὴν χάριν τοῦ βασιλέως διὰ τὴν χαρὰν ἠμείβοντο τὴν εὐεργεσίαν τοῖς ἐπαίνοις. ἦσαν δ᾽ οἱ φυγάδες ἀπηντηκότες ἅπαντες ἐπὶ τὴν πανήγυριν, ὄντες πλείους τῶν δισμυρίων. Diod. 18.8.5 Diodori Bibliotheca Historica, Vol 4-5. Diodorus Siculus. Immanel Bekker. Ludwig Dindorf. Friedrich Vogel. Kurt Theodor Fischer. in aedibus B. G. Teubneri. Leipzig. 1903-1906. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0060.tlg001.perseus-grc2:18.8.5
general at the battle of Mantineia
στρατηγός στη μάχη της Μαντίνειας
7. Now the people at home deposed the above-mentioned generals, with the exception of Conon; and as his colleagues they chose two men, Adeimantus and Philocles. As for those generals who had taken part in the battle, two of them—Protomachus and Aristogenes—did not return to Athens, but when the other six came home— [2] Pericles, Diomedon, Lysias, Aristocrates, Thrasyllus, and Erasinides,—Archedemus, who was at that time a leader of the popular party at Athens and had charge of the two-obol fund,1 brought accusation against Erasinides before a court and urged that a fine be imposed upon him, claiming that he had in his possession money from the Hellespont which belonged to the people; he accused him, further, of misconduct as general. And the court decreed that Erasinides should be imprisoned. [3] After this the generals made a statement before the Senate in regard to the battle and the violence of the storm; and upon motion of2 Timocrates, that the others also should be imprisoned and turned over to the Assembly for trial, the Senate imprisoned them. [4] After this a meeting of the Assembly was called, at which a number of people, and particularly Theramenes, spoke against the generals, saying that they ought to render an account of their conduct in not picking up the shipwrecked. For as proof that the generals fastened the responsibility upon no person apart from themselves, Theramenes showed a letter which they had sent to the Senate and to the Assembly, in which they put the blame upon nothing but the storm. [5] After this the several generals spoke in their own defence (though briefly, for they were not granted the hearing prescribed by the law) and stated what they had done, saying that they themselves undertook to sail against the enemy and that they assigned the duty of recovering the shipwrecked to certain of the captains who were competent men and had been generals in the past,—Theramenes, Thrasybulus, and others of that sort; [6] and if they had to blame any, they could blame no one else in the matter of the recovery except these men, to whom the duty was assigned. “And we shall not,” they added, “just because they accuse us, falsely say that they were to blame, but rather that it was the violence of the storm which prevented the recovery.” [7] They offered as witnesses to the truth of these statements the pilots and many others among their ship-companions. With such arguments they were on the point of persuading the Assembly, and many of the citizens rose and wanted to give bail for them; it was decided, however, that the matter should be postponed to another meeting of the Assembly (for3 by that time it was late in the day and they could not have distinguished the hands in the voting), and that the Senate should draft and bring in a proposal4 regarding the manner in which the men should be tried. [8] After this the Apaturia5 was celebrated, at which fathers and kinsmen meet together. Accordingly Theramenes and his supporters arranged at this festival with a large number of people, who were clad in mourning garments and had their hair close shaven, to attend the meeting of the Assembly, pretending that they were kinsmen of those who had perished, and they bribed Callixeinus to accuse the generals in the Senate. [9] Then they called an Assembly, at which the Senate brought in its proposal, which Callixeinus had drafted in the following terms: “Resolved, that since the Athenians have heard in the previous meeting of the Assembly both the accusers who brought charges against the generals and the generals speaking in their own defence, they do now one and all cast their votes by tribes; and that two urns be set at the voting-place of each tribe; and that in each tribe a herald proclaim that whoever adjudges the generals guilty, for not picking up the men who won the victory in the naval battle, shall cast his vote in the first urn, and whoever adjudges them not guilty, shall cast his vote in the second; [10] and if they be adjudged guilty, that they be punished with death and handed over to the Eleven,6 and that their property be confiscated and the tenth thereof belong to the goddess.”7 [11] And there came before the8 Assembly a man who said that he had been saved by floating upon a meal-tub, and that those who were perishing charged him to report to the people, if he were saved, that the generals did not pick up the men who had proved themselves most brave in the service of their country. [12] Now Euryptolemus, the son of Peisianax, and some others served a summons upon Callixeinus, alleging that he had made an unconstitutional proposal. And some of the people applauded this act, but the greater number cried out that it was monstrous if the people were to be prevented from doing whatever they wished. [13] Indeed, when Lyciscus thereupon moved that these men also should be judged by the very same vote as the generals, unless they withdrew the summons, the mob broke out again with shouts of approval, and they were compelled to withdraw the summonses. [14] Furthermore, when some of the Prytanes9 refused to put the question to the vote in violation of the law, Callixeinus again mounted the platform10 and urged the same charge against them; and the crowd cried out to summon to court those who refused. [15] Then the Prytanes, stricken with fear, agreed to put the question,—all of them except Socrates,11 the son of Sophroniscus; and he said that in no case would he act except in accordance with the law. [16] After this Euryptolemus mounted the platform and spoke as follows in defence of the generals: “I have come to the platform, men of Athens, partly to accuse Pericles, though he is my kinsman and intimate, and Diomedon, who is my friend, partly12 to speak in their defence, and partly to advise the measures which seem to me to be best for the state as a whole. [17] I accuse them, because they persuaded their colleagues to change their purpose when they wanted to send a letter to the Senate and to you, in which they stated that they assigned to Theramenes and Thrasybulus, with forty-seven triremes, the duty of picking up the shipwrecked, and that they failed to perform this duty. [18] Such being the case, are these generals to share the blame now with Theramenes and Thrasybulus, although it was those alone who blundered, and are they now, in return for the humanity they showed then, to be put in hazard of their lives through the machinations of those men and certain others? [19] No! at least not if you take my advice and follow the just and righteous course, the course which will best enable you to learn the truth and to avoid finding out hereafter, to your sorrow, that it is you yourselves who have sinned most grievously, not only against the gods, but against yourselves. The advice I give you is such that, it you follow it, you cannot be deceived either by me or by anyone else, and that with full knowledge you will punish the guilty with whatever punishment you may desire, either all of them together or each one separately, namely, by first granting them at least one day, if not more, to speak in their own defence, and by putting your trust, not so much in others, but in yourselves. [20] Now you all know, men of Athens, that the decree of Cannonus is exceedingly severe: it provides that if anyone shall wrong the people of Athens, he shall plead his case in fetters before the people, and if he be adjudged guilty, he shall be put to death by being cast into13 the pit, and his property shall be confiscated and the tenth part thereof shall belong to the goddess. [21] Under this decree I urge you to try the generals, and, by Zeus, if it so please you, Pericles, my kinsman, first of them all; for it would be base for me to think more of him than of the general interests of the state. [22] Or if you do not wish to do this, try them under the following law, which applies to temple-robbers and traitors: namely, if anyone shall be a traitor to the state or shall steal sacred property, he shall be tried before a court, and if he be convicted, he shall not be buried in Attica, and his property shall be confiscated. [23] By whichever of these laws you choose, men of Athens, let the men be tried, each one separately,14 and let the day be divided into three parts, one wherein you shall gather and vote as to whether you judge them guilty or not, another wherein the accusers shall present their case, and another wherein the accused shall make their defence. [24] “If this is done, the guilty will incur the severest punishment, and the guiltless will be set free by you, men of Athens, and will not be put to death unjustly. [25] As for yourselves, you will be granting a trial in accordance with the law and standing true to religion and your oaths, and you will not be fighting on the side of the Lacedaemonians by putting to death the men who captured seventy ships from them and defeated them,—by putting to death these men, I say, without a trial, in violation of the law. [26] What is it, pray, that you fear, that you are in such15 excessive haste? Do you fear lest you will lose the right to put to death and set free anyone you please if you proceed in accordance with the law, but think that you will retain this right if you proceed in violation of the law, by the method which Callixeinus persuaded the Senate to report to the people, that is, by a single vote? [27] Yes, but you might possibly be putting to death some one who is really innocent; and repentance afterwards—ah, remember how painful and unavailing it always is, and especially when one's error has brought about a man's death. [28] You would do a monstrous thing if, after granting in the past to Aristarchus,16 the destroyer of the democracy and afterwards the betrayer of Oenoe to your enemies the Thebans, a day in which to defend himself as he pleased, and allowing him all his other rights under the law,—if, I say, you shall now deprive the generals, who have done everything to your satisfaction, and have defeated the enemy, of these same rights. [29] Let no such act be yours, men of Athens, but guard the laws, which are your own and above all else have made you supremely great, and do not try to do anything without their sanction. “And now come back to the actual circumstances under which the mistakes are thought to have been committed by the generals. When, after winning the battle, they sailed in to the shore, Diomedon urged that they should one and all put out to sea in line and pick up the wreckage and the shipwrecked men, while Erasinides proposed that all should sail with the utmost speed against the enemy at Mytilene. But Thrasyllus said that both things17 would be accomplished if they should leave some of the ships there and should sail with the rest against the enemy; [30] and if this plan were decided upon, he advised that each of the generals, who were eight in number, should leave behind three ships from his own division, and that they should also leave the ten ships of the taxiarchs, the ten of the Samians, and the three of the nauarchs. These amount all told to forty-seven ships, four for each one of the lost vessels, which were twelve in number. [31] Among the captains who were left behind were both Thrasybulus and Theramenes, the man who accused the generals at the former meeting of the Assembly. And with the rest of the ships they planned to sail against the enemy's fleet. Now what one of these acts did they not do adequately and well? It is but just, therefore, that those, on the one hand, who were detailed to go against the enemy should be held to account for their lack of success in dealing with the enemy, and that those, on the other hand, who were detailed to recover the shipwrecked, in case they did not do what the generals ordered, should be tried for not recovering them. [32] This much, however, I can say in defence of both parties, that the storm absolutely prevented them from doing any of the things which the generals had planned. And as witnesses to this fact you have those who were saved by mere chance, among whom is one of our generals, who came through safely on a disabled ship, and whom they now bid you judge by the same vote (although at that time he needed to be picked up himself) by which you judge those who did not do what they18 were ordered to do. [33] Do not, then, men of Athens, in the face of your victory and your good fortune, act like men who are beaten and unfortunate, nor, in the face of heaven's visitation, show yourselves unreasonable by giving a verdict of treachery instead of helplessness, since they found themselves unable on account of the storm to do what they had been ordered to do; nay, it would be far more just for you to honour the victors with garlands than, yielding to the persuasions of wicked men, to punish them with death.” [34] When Euryptolemus had thus spoken, he offered a resolution that the men be tried under the decree of Cannonus, each one separately; whereas the proposal of the Senate was to judge them all by a single vote. The vote being now taken as between these two proposals, they decided at first in favour of the resolution of Euryptolemus; but when Menecles interposed an objection under oath19 and a second vote was taken, they decided in favour of that of the Senate. After this they condemned the generals who took part in the battle, eight in all; and the six who were in Athens were put to death. [35] And not long afterwards the Athenians repented, and they voted that complaints20 be brought against any who had deceived the people, that they furnish bondsmen men until such time as they should be brought to21 trial, and that Callixeinus be included among them. Complaints were brought against four others also, and they were put into confinement by their bondsmen. But when there broke out afterwards a factional disturbance, in the course of which Cleophon22 was put to death, these men escaped, before being brought to trial; Callixeinus indeed returned, at the time when the Piraeus party returned to the city,23 but he was hated by everybody and died of starvation. 1 For the relief of poverty and distress caused by the war, not to be confounded with the theoric fund; see Wilamowitz, Aristoteles und Athen, Vol. II. pp. 212 ff. 2 406 B.C. 3 406 B.C. 4 Athenian procedure required in general that a matter should first be considered by the Senate, whose προβούλεύμα, or preliminary resolution, was then referred to the Assembly for final action. 5 A family festival, at which the members of each Athenian clan gathered together. 6 A Board which had charge of condemned prisoners and of the execution of the death sentence. 7 Athena, the state deity, into whose treasury a tenth part of the revenue derived from confiscations was regularly paid. 8 406 B.C. 9 An executive committee of the Senate, who presided over the meetings of both Senate and Assembly. 10 i.e. the βῆμα. 11 On Socrates' conduct at this time cp. Plato, Apol. 32B and Xen. Mem. I. i. 18. 12 406 B.C. 13 406 B.C. 14 It was a general principle of Athenian law—perhaps specifically stated in the decree of Cannonus (see above)—that each accused person had the right to a separate trial. 15 406 B.C. 16 In 411 B.C. Aristarchus helped to establish the short-lived oligarchical government of the Four Hundred. 17 406 B.C. 18 406 B.C. 19 Apparently questioning the legality of Euryptolemus' proposal. Under the law such an objection should have suspended the consideration of the matter before the Assembly, but in this case it seems to have had no such result. 20 A προβολή was a complaint presented to the Assembly, alleging an offence against the state. The Assembly, acting as a grand jury, might then hold the accused for trial before a court. 21 406 B.C. 22 A popular leader of the democratic party. 23 i.e., in the restoration which followed the overthrow of the Thirty Tyrants (Xen. Hell. 2.4.39-43). Xen. Hell. 1.7 Xenophon. Xenophon in Seven Volumes, 1 and 2. Carleton L. Brownson. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA; William Heinemann, Ltd., London. vol. 1:1918; vol. 2: 1921. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-eng1:1.7
7. οἱ δ᾽ ἐν οἴκῳ τούτους μὲν τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἔπαυσαν πλὴν Κόνωνος: πρὸς δὲ τούτῳ εἵλοντο Ἀδείμαντον καὶ τρίτον Φιλοκλέα. [2] τῶν δὲ ναυμαχησάντων στρατηγῶν Πρωτόμαχος μὲν καὶ Ἀριστογένης οὐκ ἀπῆλθον εἰς Ἀθήνας, τῶν δὲ ἓξ καταπλευσάντων, Περικλέους καὶ Διομέδοντος καὶ Λυσίου καὶ Ἀριστοκράτους καὶ Θρασύλλου καὶ Ἐρασινίδου, Ἀρχέδημος ὁ τοῦ δήμου τότε προεστηκὼς ἐν Ἀθήναις καὶ τῆς διωβελίας ἐπιμελόμενος Ἐρασινίδῃ ἐπιβολὴν ἐπιβαλὼν κατηγόρει ἐν δικαστηρίῳ, φάσκων ἐξ Ἑλλησπόντου αὐτὸν ἔχειν χρήματα ὄντα τοῦ δήμου: κατηγόρει δὲ καὶ περὶ τῆς στρατηγίας. καὶ ἔδοξε τῷ δικαστηρίῳ δῆσαι τὸν Ἐρασινίδην. [3] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐν τῇ βουλῇ διηγοῦντο οἱ στρατηγοὶ περί τε τῆς ναυμαχίας καὶ τοῦ μεγέθους τοῦ χειμῶνος. Τιμοκράτους δ᾽ εἰπόντος ὅτι καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους χρὴ δεθέντας εἰς τὸν δῆμον παραδοθῆναι, ἡ βουλὴ ἔδησε. [4] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐκκλησία ἐγένετο, ἐν ᾗ τῶν στρατηγῶν κατηγόρουν ἄλλοι τε καὶ Θηραμένης μάλιστα, δικαίους εἶναι λόγον ὑποσχεῖν διότι οὐκ ἀνείλοντο τοὺς ναυαγούς. ὅτι μὲν γὰρ οὐδενὸς ἄλλου καθήπτοντο, ἐπιστολὴν ἐπεδείκνυε μαρτύριον ἣν ἔπεμψαν οἱ στρατηγοὶ εἰς τὴν βουλὴν καὶ εἰς τὸν δῆμον, ἄλλο οὐδὲν αἰτιώμενοι ἢ τὸν χειμῶνα. [5] μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ οἱ στρατηγοὶ βραχέως ἕκαστος ἀπελογήσατο （οὐ γὰρ προυτέθη σφίσι λόγος κατὰ τὸν νόμον）, καὶ τὰ πεπραγμένα διηγοῦντο, ὅτι αὐτοὶ μὲν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους πλέοιεν, τὴν δὲ ἀναίρεσιν τῶν ναυαγῶν προστάξαιεν τῶν τριηράρχων ἀνδράσιν ἱκανοῖς καὶ ἐστρατηγηκόσιν ἤδη, Θηραμένει καὶ Θρασυβούλῳ καὶ ἄλλοις τοιούτοις: [6] καὶ εἴπερ γέ τινας δέοι, περὶ τῆς ἀναιρέσεως οὐδένα ἄλλον ἔχειν αὐτοὺς αἰτιάσασθαι ἢ τούτους οἷς προσετάχθη. καὶ οὐχ ὅτι γε κατηγοροῦσιν ἡμῶν, ἔφασαν, ψευσόμεθα φάσκοντες αὐτοὺς αἰτίους εἶναι, ἀλλὰ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ χειμῶνος εἶναι τὸ κωλῦσαν τὴν ἀναίρεσιν. τούτων δὲ μάρτυρας παρείχοντο τοὺς κυβερνήτας καὶ ἄλλους τῶν συμπλεόντων πολλούς. τοιαῦτα λέγοντες ἔπειθον τὸν δῆμον: [7] ἐβούλοντο δὲ πολλοὶ τῶν ἰδιωτῶν ἐγγυᾶσθαι ἀνιστάμενοι: ἔδοξε δὲ ἀναβαλέσθαι εἰς ἑτέραν ἐκκλησίαν （τότε γὰρ ὀψὲ ἦν καὶ τὰς χεῖρας οὐκ ἂν καθεώρων）, τὴν δὲ βουλὴν προβουλεύσασαν εἰσενεγκεῖν ὅτῳ τρόπῳ οἱ ἄνδρες κρίνοιντο. [8] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐγίγνετο Ἀπατούρια, ἐν οἷς οἵ τε πατέρες καὶ οἱ συγγενεῖς σύνεισι σφίσιν αὐτοῖς. οἱ οὖν περὶ τὸν Θηραμένην παρεσκεύασαν ἀνθρώπους μέλανα ἱμάτια ἔχοντας καὶ ἐν χρῷ κεκαρμένους πολλοὺς ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ἑορτῇ, ἵνα πρὸς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἥκοιεν, ὡς δὴ συγγενεῖς ὄντες τῶν ἀπολωλότων, καὶ Καλλίξενον ἔπεισαν ἐν τῇ βουλῇ κατηγορεῖν τῶν στρατηγῶν. [9] ἐντεῦθεν ἐκκλησίαν ἐποίουν, εἰς ἣν ἡ βουλὴ εἰσήνεγκε τὴν ἑαυτῆς γνώμην Καλλιξένου εἰπόντος τήνδε: ἐπειδὴ τῶν τε κατηγορούντων κατὰ τῶν στρατηγῶν καὶ ἐκείνων ἀπολογουμένων ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀκηκόασι, διαψηφίσασθαι Ἀθηναίους ἅπαντας κατὰ φυλάς: θεῖναι δὲ εἰς τὴν φυλὴν ἑκάστην δύο ὑδρίας: ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῃ δὲ τῇ φυλῇ κήρυκα κηρύττειν, ὅτῳ δοκοῦσιν ἀδικεῖν οἱ στρατηγοὶ οὐκ ἀνελόμενοι τοὺς νικήσαντας ἐν τῇ ναυμαχίᾳ, εἰς τὴν προτέραν ψηφίσασθαι, ὅτῳ δὲ μή, εἰς τὴν ὑστέραν: [10] ἂν δὲ δόξωσιν ἀδικεῖν, θανάτῳ ζημιῶσαι καὶ τοῖς ἕνδεκα παραδοῦναι καὶ τὰ χρήματα δημοσιεῦσαι, τὸ δ᾽ ἐπιδέκατον τῆς θεοῦ εἶναι. [11] παρῆλθε δέ τις εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν φάσκων ἐπὶ τεύχους ἀλφίτων σωθῆναι: ἐπιστέλλειν δ᾽ αὐτῷ τοὺς ἀπολλυμένους, ἐὰν σωθῇ, ἀπαγγεῖλαι τῷ δήμῳ ὅτι οἱ στρατηγοὶ οὐκ ἀνείλοντο τοὺς ἀρίστους ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος γενομένους. [12] τὸν δὲ Καλλίξενον προσεκαλέσαντο παράνομα φάσκοντες συγγεγραφέναι Εὐρυπτόλεμός τε ὁ Πεισιάνακτος καὶ ἄλλοι τινές. τοῦ δὲ δήμου ἔνιοι ταῦτα ἐπῄνουν, τὸ δὲ πλῆθος ἐβόα δεινὸν εἶναι εἰ μή τις ἐάσει τὸν δῆμον πράττειν ὃ ἂν βούληται. [13] καὶ ἐπὶ τούτοις εἰπόντος Λυκίσκου καὶ τούτους τῇ αὐτῇ ψήφῳ κρίνεσθαι ᾗπερ καὶ τοὺς στρατηγούς, ἐὰν μὴ ἀφῶσι τὴν κλῆσιν, ἐπεθορύβησε πάλιν ὁ ὄχλος, καὶ ἠναγκάσθησαν ἀφιέναι τὰς κλήσεις. [14] τῶν δὲ πρυτάνεών τινων οὐ φασκόντων προθήσειν τὴν διαψήφισιν παρὰ τὸν νόμον, αὖθις Καλλίξενος ἀναβὰς κατηγόρει αὐτῶν τὰ αὐτά. [15] οἱ δὲ ἐβόων καλεῖν τοὺς οὐ φάσκοντας. οἱ δὲ πρυτάνεις φοβηθέντες ὡμολόγουν πάντες προθήσειν πλὴν Σωκράτους τοῦ Σωφρονίσκου: οὗτος δ᾽ οὐκ ἔφη ἀλλ᾽ ἢ κατὰ νόμον πάντα ποιήσειν. [16] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἀναβὰς Εὐρυπτόλεμος ἔλεξεν ὑπὲρ τῶν στρατηγῶν τάδε. τὰ μὲν κατηγορήσων, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀνέβην ἐνθάδε Περικλέους ἀναγκαίου μοι ὄντος καὶ ἐπιτηδείου καὶ Διομέδοντος φίλου, τὰ δ᾽ ὑπεραπολογησόμενος, τὰ δὲ συμβουλεύσων ἅ μοι δοκεῖ ἄριστα εἶναι ἁπάσῃ τῇ πόλει. [17] κατηγορῶ μὲν οὖν αὐτῶν ὅτι ἔπεισαν τοὺς συνάρχοντας βουλομένους πέμπειν γράμματα τῇ τε βουλῇ καὶ ὑμῖν ὅτι ἐπέταξαν τῷ Θηραμένει καὶ Θρασυβούλῳ τετταράκοντα καὶ ἑπτὰ τριήρεσιν ἀνελέσθαι τοὺς ναυαγούς, οἱ δὲ οὐκ ἀνείλοντο. [18] εἶτα νῦν τὴν αἰτίαν κοινὴν ἔχουσιν ἐκείνων ἰδίᾳ ἁμαρτόντων, καὶ ἀντὶ τῆς τότε φιλανθρωπίας νῦν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων τε καί τινων ἄλλων ἐπιβουλευόμενοι κινδυνεύουσιν ἀπολέσθαι; [19] οὔκ, ἂν ὑμεῖς γέ μοι πείθησθε τὰ δίκαια καὶ ὅσια ποιοῦντες, καὶ ὅθεν μάλιστ᾽ ἀληθῆ πεύσεσθε καὶ οὐ μετανοήσαντες ὕστερον εὑρήσετε σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἡμαρτηκότας τὰ μέγιστα εἰς θεούς τε καὶ ὑμᾶς αὐτούς. συμβουλεύω δ᾽ ὑμῖν, ἐν οἷς οὔθ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ οὔθ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἄλλου οὐδενὸς ἔστιν ἐξαπατηθῆναι ὑμᾶς, καὶ τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας εἰδότες κολάσεσθε ᾗ ἂν βούλησθε δίκῃ, καὶ ἅμα πάντας καὶ καθ᾽ ἕνα ἕκαστον, εἰ μὴ πλέον, ἀλλὰ μίαν ἡμέραν δόντες αὐτοῖς ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν ἀπολογήσασθαι, μὴ ἄλλοις μᾶλλον πιστεύοντες ἢ ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς. [20] ἴστε δέ, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, πάντες ὅτι τὸ Καννωνοῦ ψήφισμά ἐστιν ἰσχυρότατον, ὃ κελεύει, ἐάν τις τὸν τῶν Ἀθηναίων δῆμον ἀδικῇ, δεδεμένον ἀποδικεῖν ἐν τῷ δήμῳ, καὶ ἐὰν καταγνωσθῇ ἀδικεῖν, ἀποθανεῖν εἰς τὸ βάραθρον ἐμβληθέντα, τὰ δὲ χρήματα αὐτοῦ δημευθῆναι καὶ τῆς θεοῦ τὸ ἐπιδέκατον εἶναι. [21] κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ ψήφισμα κελεύω κρίνεσθαι τοὺς στρατηγοὺς καὶ νὴ Δία, ἂν ὑμῖν γε δοκῇ, πρῶτον Περικλέα τὸν ἐμοὶ προσήκοντα: αἰσχρὸν γάρ μοί ἐστιν ἐκεῖνον περὶ πλείονος ποιεῖσθαι ἢ τὴν ὅλην πόλιν. [22] τοῦτο δ᾽ εἰ βούλεσθε, κατὰ τόνδε τὸν νόμον κρίνατε, ὅς ἐστιν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἱεροσύλοις καὶ προδόταις, ἐάν τις ἢ τὴν πόλιν προδιδῷ ἢ τὰ ἱερὰ κλέπτῃ, κριθέντα ἐν δικαστηρίῳ, ἂν καταγνωσθῇ, μὴ ταφῆναι ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ, τὰ δὲ χρήματα αὐτοῦ δημόσια εἶναι. [23] τούτων ὁποτέρῳ βούλεσθε, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τῷ νόμῳ κρινέσθων οἱ ἄνδρες κατὰ ἕνα ἕκαστον διῃρημένων τῆς ἡμέρας τριῶν μερῶν, ἑνὸς μὲν ἐν ᾧ συλλέγεσθαι ὑμᾶς δεῖ καὶ διαψηφίζεσθαι ἐάν τε ἀδικεῖν δοκῶσιν ἐάν τε μή, ἑτέρου δ᾽ ἐν ᾧ κατηγορῆσαι, ἑτέρου δ᾽ ἐν ᾧ ἀπολογήσασθαι. [24] τούτων δὲ γιγνομένων οἱ μὲν ἀδικοῦντες τεύξονται τῆς μεγίστης τιμωρίας, οἱ δ᾽ ἀναίτιοι ἐλευθερωθήσονται ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ οὐκ †ἀδικοῦντες ἀπολοῦνται. [25] ὑμεῖς δὲ κατὰ τὸν νόμον εὐσεβοῦντες καὶ εὐορκοῦντες κρινεῖτε καὶ οὐ συμπολεμήσετε Λακεδαιμονίοις τοὺς ἐκείνους ἑβδομήκοντα ναῦς ἀφελομένους καὶ νενικηκότας, τούτους ἀπολλύντες ἀκρίτους παρὰ τὸν νόμον. [26] τί δὲ καὶ δεδιότες σφόδρα οὕτως ἐπείγεσθε; ἢ μὴ οὐχ ὑμεῖς ὃν ἂν βούλησθε ἀποκτείνητε καὶ ἐλευθερώσητε, ἂν κατὰ τὸν νόμον κρίνητε, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἂν παρὰ τὸν νόμον, ὥσπερ Καλλίξενος τὴν βουλὴν ἔπεισεν εἰς τὸν δῆμον εἰσενεγκεῖν μιᾷ ψήφῳ; [27] ἀλλ᾽ ἴσως ἄν τινα καὶ οὐκ αἴτιον ὄντα †ἀποκτείναιτε†, μεταμελήσει δὴ ὕστερον. †ἀναμνήσθητε† ὡς ἀλγεινὸν καὶ ἀνωφελὲς ἤδη ἐστί, πρὸς δ᾽ ἔτι καὶ περὶ θανάτου ἀνθρώπου ἡμαρτηκότες. [28] δεινὰ δ᾽ ἂν ποιήσαιτε, εἰ Ἀριστάρχῳ μὲν πρότερον τὸν δῆμον καταλύοντι, εἶτα δ᾽ Οἰνόην προδιδόντι Θηβαίοις πολεμίοις οὖσιν, ἔδοτε ἡμέραν ἀπολογήσασθαι ᾗ ἐβούλετο καὶ τἆλλα κατὰ τὸν νόμον προύθετε, τοὺς δὲ στρατηγοὺς τοὺς πάντα ὑμῖν κατὰ γνώμην πράξαντας, νικήσαντας δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους, τῶν αὐτῶν τούτων ἀποστερήσετε. [29] μὴ ὑμεῖς γε, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀλλ᾽ ἑαυτῶν ὄντας τοὺς νόμους, δι᾽ οὓς μάλιστα μέγιστοί ἐστε, φυλάττοντες, ἄνευ τούτων μηδὲν πράττειν πειρᾶσθε. ἐπανέλθετε δὲ καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὰ τὰ πράγματα καθ᾽ ἃ καὶ αἱ ἁμαρτίαι δοκοῦσι γεγενῆσθαι τοῖς στρατηγοῖς. ἐπεὶ γὰρ κρατήσαντες τῇ ναυμαχίᾳ εἰς τὴν γῆν κατέπλευσαν, Διομέδων μὲν ἐκέλευεν ἀναχθέντας ἐπὶ κέρως ἅπαντας ἀναιρεῖσθαι τὰ ναυάγια καὶ τοὺς ναυαγούς, Ἐρασινίδης δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοὺς πρὸς Μυτιλήνην πολεμίους τὴν ταχίστην πλεῖν ἅπαντας: Θράσυλλος δὲ ἀμφότερα ἔφη γενέσθαι, ἂν τὰς μὲν αὐτοῦ καταλίπωσι, ταῖς δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους πλέωσι: [30] καὶ δοξάντων τούτων καταλιπεῖν τρεῖς ναῦς ἕκαστον ἐκ τῆς αὑτοῦ συμμορίας, τῶν στρατηγῶν ὀκτὼ ὄντων, καὶ τὰς τῶν ταξιάρχων δέκα καὶ τὰς Σαμίων δέκα καὶ τὰς τῶν ναυάρχων τρεῖς, αὗται ἅπασαι γίγνονται ἑπτὰ καὶ τετταράκοντα, τέτταρες περὶ ἑκάστην ναῦν τῶν ἀπολωλυιῶν δώδεκα οὐσῶν. [31] τῶν δὲ καταλειφθέντων τῶν τριηράρχων ἦσαν καὶ Θρασύβουλος καὶ Θηραμένης, ὃς ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ ἐκκλησίᾳ κατηγόρει τῶν στρατηγῶν. ταῖς δὲ ἄλλαις ναυσὶν ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τὰς πολεμίας. τί τούτων οὐχ ἱκανῶς καὶ καλῶς ἔπραξαν; οὐκοῦν δίκαιον τὰ μὲν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους μὴ καλῶς πραχθέντα τοὺς πρὸς τούτοις ταχθέντας ὑπέχειν λόγον, τοὺς δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἀναίρεσιν μὴ ποιήσαντας ἃ οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἐκέλευσαν, διότι οὐκ ἀνείλοντο κρίνεσθαι. [32] τοσοῦτον δ᾽ ἔχω εἰπεῖν ὑπὲρ ἀμφοτέρων, ὅτι ὁ χειμὼν διεκώλυσε μηδὲν πρᾶξαι ὧν οἱ στρατηγοὶ παρεσκευάσαντο. τούτων δὲ μάρτυρες οἱ σωθέντες ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτομάτου, ὧν εἷς τῶν ἡμετέρων στρατηγῶν ἐπὶ καταδύσης νεὼς διασωθείς, ὃν κελεύουσι τῇ αὐτῇ ψήφῳ κρίνεσθαι, καὶ αὐτὸν τότε δεόμενον ἀναιρέσεως, ᾗπερ τοὺς οὐ πράξαντας τὰ προσταχθέντα. [33] μὴ τοίνυν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀντὶ μὲν τῆς νίκης καὶ τῆς εὐτυχίας ὅμοια ποιήσητε τοῖς ἡττημένοις τε καὶ ἀτυχοῦσιν, ἀντὶ δὲ τῶν ἐκ θεοῦ ἀναγκαίων ἀγνωμονεῖν δόξητε, προδοσίαν καταγνόντες ἀντὶ τῆς ἀδυναμίας οὐχ ἱκανοὺς γενομένους διὰ τὸν χειμῶνα πρᾶξαι τὰ προσταχθέντα: ἀλλὰ πολὺ δικαιότερον στεφάνοις γεραίρειν τοὺς νικῶντας ἢ θανάτῳ ζημιοῦν πονηροῖς ἀνθρώποις πειθομένους. [34] ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν Εὐρυπτόλεμος ἔγραψε γνώμην κατὰ τὸ Καννωνοῦ ψήφισμα κρίνεσθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας δίχα ἕκαστον: ἡ δὲ τῆς βουλῆς ἦν μιᾷ ψήφῳ ἅπαντας κρίνειν. τούτων δὲ διαχειροτονουμένων τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἔκριναν τὴν Εὐρυπτολέμου: ὑπομοσαμένου δὲ Μενεκλέους καὶ πάλιν διαχειροτονίας γενομένης ἔκριναν τὴν τῆς βουλῆς. καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα κατεψηφίσαντο τῶν ναυμαχησάντων στρατηγῶν ὀκτὼ ὄντων: ἀπέθανον δὲ οἱ παρόντες ἕξ. [35] καὶ οὐ πολλῷ χρόνῳ ὕστερον μετέμελε τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, καὶ ἐψηφίσαντο, οἵτινες τὸν δῆμον ἐξηπάτησαν, προβολὰς αὐτῶν εἶναι, καὶ ἐγγυητὰς καταστῆσαι, ἕως ἂν κριθῶσιν, εἶναι δὲ καὶ Καλλίξενον τούτων. προυβλήθησαν δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι τέτταρες, καὶ ἐδέθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐγγυησαμένων, ὕστερον δὲ στάσεώς τινος γενομένης, ἐν ᾗ Κλεοφῶν ἀπέθανεν, ἀπέδρασαν οὗτοι, πρὶν κριθῆναι: Καλλίξενος δὲ κατελθὼν ὅτε καὶ οἱ ἐκ Πειραιῶς εἰς τὸ ἄστυ, μισούμενος ὑπὸ πάντων λιμῷ ἀπέθανεν. Xen. Hell. 1.7 Xenophon. Xenophontis opera omnia, vol. 1. Oxford, Clarendon Press. 1900 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.7
δημηγορία του Ευρυπτολέμου κατά τη δίκη των στρατηγών στις Αργινούσες
harangue of Europtolemos at the trial of the generals after the battle of Arginusae
δημηγορία του Ευρυπτόλεμου κατά τη δίκη των στρατηγών μετά τη ναυμαχία στις Αργινούσσες
Athenian hegemony
Αθηναϊκή ηγεμονία
Spartan hegemony
Σπαρτιατική ηγεμονία
Theban hegemony
Θηβαϊκή ηγεμονία
All these grievances made Corinth eager to send the promised aid to Epidamnus. Advertisement was made for volunteer settlers, and a force of Ambraciots, Leucadians, and Corinthians was despatched. Thuc. 1.26.1 Thucydides translated into English; with introduction, marginal analysis, notes, and indices. Volume 1. Thucydides. Benjamin Jowett. translator. Oxford. Clarendon Press. 1881. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:1.26.1
Κερκυραῖοι δὲ ἐπειδὴ ᾔσθοντο τούς τε οἰκήτορας καὶ φρουροὺς ἥκοντας ἐς τὴν Ἐπίδαμνον τήν τε ἀποικίαν Κορινθίοις δεδομένην, ἐχαλέπαινον: καὶ πλεύσαντες εὐθὺς πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι ναυσὶ καὶ ὕστερον ἑτέρῳ στόλῳ τούς τε φεύγοντας ἐκέλευον κατ᾽ ἐπήρειαν δέχεσθαι αὐτούς （ἦλθον γὰρ ἐς τὴν Κέρκυραν οἱ τῶν Ἐπιδαμνίων φυγάδες, τάφους τε ἀποδεικνύντες καὶ ξυγγένειαν, ἣν προϊσχόμενοι ἐδέοντο σφᾶς κατάγειν） τούς τε φρουροὺς οὓς Κορίνθιοι ἔπεμψαν καὶ τοὺς οἰκήτορας ἀποπέμπειν. Thuc. 1.26.3 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.26.3
inundation in Euboean and Malian gulfs in 426 BC
πλημμύρα στον Ευβοϊκό και Μαλιακό κόλπο το 426 π.Χ.
Spartan invasion in Attica in 430 BC
Σπαρτιατική εισβολή στην Αττική το 430 π.Χ.
King of Sparta from 458 to 409 BC
ἔτι δὲ αὐτῷ περὶ τὴν Φασηλίδα ὄντι ἐξαγγέλλεται Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν Ἀερόπου ἐπιβο9υλεύειν, τά τε ἄλλα τῶν ἑταίρων ὄντα καὶ ἐν τῷ τότε Θεσσαλῶν τῆς ἵππου ἄρχοντα. ἦν μὲν δὴ ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος οὗτος ἀδελφὸς Ἡρομένους τε καὶ Ἀρραβαίου τῶν ξυνεπιλαβόντων τῆς σφαγῆς τῆς Φιλίππου: Arr. An. 1.25.1 Flavii Arriani Anabasis Alexandri. Arrian. A.G. Roos. in aedibus B. G. Teubneri. Leipzig. 1907. Keyboarding. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0074.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.25.1
naval commander at the naval battle of Arginussae in 406 BC
7. τῷ δ᾽ οὖν Ἀριστείδῃ συνέβη τὸ πρῶτον ἀγαπωμένῳ διὰ τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ὕστερον φθονεῖσθαι, μάλιστα μὲν τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους λόγον εἰς τοὺς πολλοὺς διαδιδόντος, ὡς Ἀριστείδης ἀνῃρηκὼς τὰ δικαστήρια τῷ κρίνειν ἅπαντα καὶ δικάζειν, λέληθε μοναρχίαν ἀδορυφόρητον ἑαυτῷ κατεσκευασμένος: ἤδη δέ που καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ μέγα φρονῶν καὶ τῶν μεγίστων ἀξιῶν αὑτὸν ἤχθετο τοῖς ὄνομα καὶ δόξαν ὑπὲρ τοὺς πολλοὺς ἔχουσι. [2] καὶ συνελθόντες εἰς ἄστυ πανταχόθεν ἐξοστρακίζουσι τὸν Ἀριστείδην, ὄνομα τῷ φθόνῳ τῆς δόξης φόβον τυραννίδος θέμενοι. μοχθηρίας γὰρ οὐκ ἦν κόλασις ὁ ἐξοστρακισμός, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκαλεῖτο μὲν δι᾽ εὐπρέπειαν ὄγκου καὶ δυνάμεως βαρυτέρας ταπείνωσις καὶ κόλουσις, ἦν δὲ φθόνου παραμυθία φιλάνθρωπος, εἰς ἀνήκεστον οὐδέν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς μετάστασιν ἐτῶν δέκα τὴν πρὸς τὸ λυποῦν ἀπερειδομένου δυσμένειαν. [3] ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἤρξαντό τινες ἀνθρώπους ἀγεννεῖς καὶ πονηροὺς ὑποβάλλειν τῷ πράγματι, τελευταῖον ἁπάντων Ὑπέρβολον ἐξοστρακίσαντες ἐπαύσαντο. λέγεται δὲ τὸν Ὑπέρβολον ἐξοστρακισθῆναι διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν. Ἀλκιβιάδης καὶ Νικίας μέγιστον ἐν τῇ πόλει δυνάμενοι διεστασίαζον. ὡς οὖν ὁ δῆμος ἔμελλε φέρειν τὸ ὄστρακον καὶ δῆλος ἦν τὸν ἕτερον γράψων, διαλεχθέντες ἀλλήλοις καὶ τὰς στάσεις ἑκατέρας εἰς ταὐτὸ συναγαγόντες τὸν Ὑπέρβολον ἐξοστρακισθῆναι παρεσκεύασαν. [4] ἐκ δὲ τούτου δυσχεράνας ὁ δῆμος ὡς καθυβρισμένον τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ προπεπηλακισμένον ἀφῆκε παντελῶς καὶ κατέλυσεν. ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτον, ὡς τύπῳ φράσαι, τὸ γινόμενον. ὄστρακον λαβὼν ἕκαστος καὶ γράψας ὃν ἐβούλετο μεταστῆσαι τῶν πολιτῶν, ἔφερεν εἰς ἕνα τόπον τῆς ἀγορᾶς περιπεφραγμένον ἐν κύκλῳ δρυφάκτοις. [5] οἱ δ᾽ ἄρχοντες πρῶτον μὲν διηρίθμουν τὸ σύμπαν ἐν ταὐτῷ τῶν ὀστράκων πλῆθος: εἰ γὰρ ἑξακισχιλίων ἐλάττονες οἱ φέροντες εἶεν, ἀτελὴς ἦν ὁ ἐξοστρακισμός: ἔπειτα τῶν ὀνομάτων ἕκαστον ἰδίᾳ θέντες τὸν ὑπὸ τῶν πλείστων γεγραμμένον ἐξεκήρυττον εἰς ἔτη δέκα, καρπούμενον τὰ αὑτοῦ. γραφομένων οὖν τότε τῶν ὀστράκων λέγεταί τινα τῶν ἀγραμμάτων καὶ παντελῶς ἀγροίκων ἀναδόντα τῷ Ἀριστείδῃ τὸ ὄστρακον ὡς ἑνὶ τῶν τυχόντων παρακαλεῖν, ὅπως Ἀριστείδην ἐγγράψειε. [6] τοῦ δὲ θαυμάσαντος καὶ πυθομένου, μή τι κακὸν αὐτὸν Ἀριστείδης πεποίηκεν, ‘οὐδέν,’ εἶπεν, ‘οὐδὲ γιγνώσκω τὸν ἄνθρωπον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐνοχλοῦμαι πανταχοῦ τὸν Δίκαιον ἀκούων.’ ταῦτα ἀκούσαντα τὸν Ἀριστείδην ἀποκρίνασθαι μὲν οὐδέν, ἐγγράψαι δὲ τοὔνομα τῷ ὀστράκῳ καὶ ἀποδοῦναι. τῆς δὲ πόλεως ἀπαλλαττόμενος ἤδη, τὰς χεῖρας ἀνατείνας πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν εὔξατο τὴν ἐναντίαν, ὡς ἔοικεν, εὐχὴν τῷ Ἀχιλλεῖ, μηδένα καιρὸν Ἀθηναίους καταλαβεῖν, ὃς ἀναγκάσει τὸν δῆμον Ἀριστείδου μνησθῆναι. Plut. Arist. 7 Plutarch. Plutarch's Lives. with an English Translation by. Bernadotte Perrin. Cambridge, MA. Harvard University Press. London. William Heinemann Ltd. 1914. 2. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0007.tlg024.perseus-grc1:7
7. Now, to resume, it befell Aristides to be loved at first because of this surname, but afterwards to be jealously hated, especially when Themistocles set the story going among the multitude that Aristides had done away with the public courts of justice by his determining and judging everything in private, and that, without any one perceiving it, he had established for himself a monarchy, saving only the armed body-guard. And besides, the people too must by this time have become greatly elated over their victory; they thought nothing too good for themselves, and were therefore vexed with those who towered above the multitude in name and reputation. [2] So they assembled in the city from all the country round, and ostracized Aristides, giving to their envious dislike of his reputation the name of fear of tyranny. Now the sentence of ostracism was not a chastisement of base practices, nay, it was speciously called a humbling and docking of oppressive prestige and power; but it was really a merciful exorcism of the spirit of jealous hate, which thus vented its malignant desire to injure, not in some irreparable evil, but in a mere change of residence for ten years. [3] And when ignoble men of the baser sort came to be subjected to this penalty, it ceased to be inflicted at all, and Hyperbolus was the last to be thus ostracized.1 It is said that Hyperbolus was ostracized for the following reason. Alcibiades and Nicias had the greatest power in the state, and were at odds. Accordingly, when the people were about to exercise the ostracism, and were clearly going to vote against one or the other of these two men, they came to terms with one another, united their opposing factions, and effected the ostracism of Hyperbolus. [4] The people were incensed at this for they felt that the institution had been insulted and abused, and so they abandoned it utterly and put an end to it. The method of procedure—to give a general outline—was as follows. Each voter took an ostrakon, or potsherd, wrote on it the name of that citizen whom he wished to remove from the city, and brought it to a place in the agora which was all fenced about with railings. [5] The archons first counted the total number of ostraka cast. For if the voters were less than six thousand, the ostracism was void. Then they separated the names, and the man who had received the most votes they proclaimed banished for ten years, with the right to enjoy the income from his property. Now at the time of which I was speaking, as the voters were inscribing their ostraka, it is said that an unlettered and utterly boorish fellow handed his ostrakon to Aristides, whom he took to be one of the ordinary crowd, and asked him to write Aristides on it. [6] He, astonished, asked the man what possible wrong Aristides had done him. ‘None whatever,’ was the answer, ‘I don't even know the fellow, but I am tired of hearing him everywhere called 'The Just.'’ On hearing this, Aristides made no answer, but wrote his name on the ostrakon and handed it back. Finally, as he was departing the city, he lifted up his hands to heaven and prayed—a prayer the opposite, as it seems, of that which Achilles made2—that no crisis might overtake the Athenians which should compel the people to remember Aristides. 1 About 417 B.C. Cf. Plut. Nic. 11, Plut. Alc. 13. 2 Hom. Il. 1.407-412 Plut. Arist. 7 Plutarch. Plutarch's Lives. with an English Translation by. Bernadotte Perrin. Cambridge, MA. Harvard University Press. London. William Heinemann Ltd. 1914. 2. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0007.tlg024.perseus-eng1:7
ostracism of Aristides, the Athenian general
οστρακισμός του Αριστείδη, Αθηναίου στρατηγού
At that time they had also laid hold of the sea with piratical craft, and were robbing and destroying merchandise, sailing out as far as the pillars of Hercules. Accordingly, when Aemilius came against them, they withstood him with a force of forty thousand men; but he, with eight thousand men all told, engaged their fivefold numbers, and after routing them and shutting them up in their walled towns, gave them humane and conciliatory terms; for it was not the wish of the Romans to extirpate altogether the Ligurian nation, since it lay like a barrier or bulwark against the movements of the Gauls, who were always threatening to descend upon Italy. Plut. Aem. 6.2 Plut. Aem. 6.2 Plutarch. Plutarch's Lives. with an English Translation by. Bernadotte Perrin. Cambridge, MA. Harvard University Press. London. William Heinemann Ltd. 1918. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0007.tlg019.perseus-eng1:6.2
τότε δὲ καί τῆς θαλάττης ἁψάμενοι σκάφεσι πειρατικοῖς ἀφῃροῦντο καί περιέκοπτον τάς ἐμπορίας, ἄχρι στηλῶν Ἡρακλείων ἀναπλέοντες, ἐπιόντος οὖν τοῦ Αἰμιλίου τετρακισμύριοι γενόμενοι τὸ πλῆθος ὑπέστησαν ὁ δὲ τοὺς σύμπαντας ὀκτακισχιλίους ἔχων πενταπλασίοις οὖσιν αὐτοῖς συνέβαλε, καί τρεψάμενος καί κατακλείσας εἰς τὰ τείχη διέδωκε λόγον φιλάνθρωπον καί συμβατικόν οὐ γὰρ ἦν βουλομένοις τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις παντάπασιν ἐκκόψαι τὸ Λιγύων ἔθνος, ὥσπερ ἕρκος ἢ πρόβολον ἐμποδὼν κείμενον τοῖς Γαλατικοῖς κινήμασιν ἐπαιωρουμένοις ἀεὶ περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν. Plut. Aem. 6.2 Plut. Aem. 6.2 Plutarch. Plutarch's Lives. with an English Translation by. Bernadotte Perrin. Cambridge, MA. Harvard University Press. London. William Heinemann Ltd. 1918. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0007.tlg019.perseus-grc1:6.2
Socrates served as epistates of prytans in 406 BC. He held public office for the only time in his life.
Socrates epistates of prytans
Σωκράτης επιστάτης των πρυτάνεων
ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τῶν φυγάδων τινὲς τῶν ἐκ Θηβῶν φευγόντων παρελθόντες νύκτωρ ἐς τὰς Θήβας, ἐπαγαγομένων τινῶν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ νεωτερισμῷ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, Ἀμύνταν μὲν καὶ Τιμόλαον τῶν τὴν Καδμείαν ἐχόντων οὐδὲν ὑποτοπήσαντας πολέμιον ἔξω τῆς Καδμείας ἀπέκτειναν ξυλλαβόντες: [2] ἐς δὲ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν παρελθόντες ἐπῆραν τοὺς Θηβαίους ἀποστῆναι ἀπὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου, ἐλευθερίαν τε προϊσχόμενοι, παλαιὰ καὶ καλὰ ὀνόματα, καὶ τῆς βαρύτητος τῶν Μακεδόνων ἤδη ποτὲ ἀπαλλαγῆναι. πιθανώτεροι δὲ ἐς τὸ πλῆθος ἐφαίνοντο [p. 14] τεθνηκέναι Ἀλέξανδρον ἰσχυριζόμενοι ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς: [3] καὶ γὰρ καὶ πολὺς ὁ λόγος οὗτος καὶ παρὰ πολλῶν ἐφοίτα, ὅτι τε χρόνον ἀπῆν οὐκ ὀλίγον καὶ ὅτι οὐδεμία ἀγγελία παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἀφῖκτο, ὥστε, ὅπερ φιλεῖ ἐν τοῖς τοιοῖσδε, οὐ γιγνώσκοντες τὰ ὄντα τὰ μάλιστα καθ᾽ ἡδονήν σφισιν εἴκαζον. [4] πυθομένῳ δὲ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τὰ τῶν Θηβαίων οὐδαμῶς ἐδόκει ἀμελητέα εἶναι, τήν τε τῶν Ἀθηναίων πόλιν δἰ ὑποψίας ἐκ πολλοῦ ἔχοντι καὶ τῶν Θηβαίων τὸ τόλμημα οὐ φαῦλον ποιουμένῳ, εἰ Λακεδαιμόνιοί τε πάλαι ἤδη ταῖς γνώμαις ἀφεστηκότες καὶ τινες καὶ ἄλλοι τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ καὶ Αἰτωλοὶ οὐ βέβαιοι ὄντες συνεπιλήψονται τοῦ νεωτερισμοῦ τοῖς Θηβαίοις. [5] ἄγων δὴ παρὰ τὴν Ἐορδαίαν τε καὶ τὴν Ἐλιμιῶτιν καὶ παρὰ τὰ τῆς Στυμφαίας καὶ Παραυαίας ἄκρα ἑβδομαῖος ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Πέλινναν τῆς Θετταλίας. ἔνθεν δὲ ὁρμηθεὶς ἕκτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἐσβάλλει ἐς τὴν Βοιωτίαν, ὥστε οὐ πρόσθεν οἱ Θηβαῖοι ἔμαθον εἴσω Πυλῶν παρεληλυθότα αὐτὸν πρὶν ἐν Ὀγχηστῷ γενέσθαι ξὺν τῇ στρατιᾷ πάσῃ. [6] καὶ τότε δὲ οἱ πράξαντες τὴν ἀπόστασιν στράτευμα ἐκ Μακεδονίας Ἀντιπάτρου ἀφῖχθαι ἔφασκον, αὐτὸν δὲ Ἀλέξανδρον τεθνάναι ἰσχυρίζοντο, καὶ τοῖς ἀπαγγέλλουσιν ὅτι οὗτος αὐτὸς προσάγει Ἀλέξανδρος χαλεπῶς εἶχον: ἄλλον γάρ τινα ἥκειν Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν Ἀερόπου. [7] ὁ δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐξ Ὀγχηστοῦ ἄρας τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ προσῆγε πρὸς τὴν πόλιν τῶν Θηβαίων κατὰ τὸ τοῦ Ιολάου τέμενος: οὗ δὴ καὶ ἐστρατοπέδευσεν, ἐνδιδοὺς ἔτι τοῖς Θηβαίοις τριβήν, εἰ μεταγνόντες ἐπὶ τοῖς κακῶς ἐγνωσμένοις πρεσβεύσαιντο παρ᾽ αὐτόν. [8] οἱ δὲ τοσούτου ἐδέησαν ἐνδόσιμόν τι παρασχεῖν ἐς ξύμβασιν, [p. 15] ὥστε ἐκθέοντες ἐκ τῆς πόλεως οἵ τε ἱππεῖς καὶ τῶν ψιλῶν οὐκ ὀλίγοι ἔστε ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἠκροβολίζοντο ἐς τὰς προφυλακάς, καὶ τινας καὶ ἀπέκτειναν οὐ πολλοὺς τῶν Μακεδόνων. [9] καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐκπέμπει τῶν ψιλῶν καὶ τοξοτῶν, ὥστε αὐτῶν ἀναστεῖλαι τὴν ἐκδρομήν: καὶ οὗτοι οὐ χαλεπῶς ἀνέστειλαν ἤδη τῷ στρατοπέδῳ αὐτῷ προσφερομένους. τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ ἀναλαβὼν τὴν στρατιὰν πᾶσαν καὶ περιελθὼν κατὰ τὰς πύλας τὰς φερούσας ἐπ᾽ Ἐλευθεράς τε καὶ τὴν Ἀττικήν, οὐδὲ τότε προσέμιξε τοῖς τείχεσιν αὐτοῖς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐστρατοπέδευσεν οὐ πολὺ ἀπέχων τῆς Καδμείας, ὥστε ἐγγὺς εἶναι ὠφέλειαν τῶν Μακεδόνων τοῖς τὴν Καδμείαν ἔχουσιν. [10] οἱ γὰρ Θηβαῖοι τὴν Καδμείαν διπλῷ χάρακι ἐφρούρουν ἀποτειχίσαντες, ὡς μήτε ἔξωθέν τινα τοῖς ἐγκατειλημμένοις δύνασθαι ἐπωφελεῖν, μήτε αὐτοὺς ἐκθέοντας βλάπτειν τι σφᾶς, ὁπότε τοῖς ἔξω πολεμίοις προσφέροιντο. Ἀλέξανδρος δέ — ἔτι γὰρ τοῖς Θηβαίοις διὰ φιλίας ἐλθεῖν μᾶλλόν τι ἢ διὰ κινδύνου ἤθελε — διέτριβε πρὸς τῇ Καδμείᾳ κατεστρατοπεδευκώς. [11] ἔνθα δὴ τῶν Θηβαίων οἱ μὲν τὰ βέλτιστα ἐς τὸ κοινὸν γιγνώσκοντες ἐξελθεῖν ὥρμηντο παρ᾽ Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ εὑρέσθαι συγγνώμην τῷ πλήθει τῶν Θηβαίων τῆς ἀποστάσεως: οἱ φυγάδες δὲ καὶ ὅσοι τοὺς φυγάδας ἐπικεκλημένοι ἦσαν, οὐδενὸς φιλανθρώπου τυχεῖν ἂν παρ᾽ Ἀλεξάνδρου ἀξιοῦντες, ἄλλως τε καὶ βοιωταρχοῦντες ἔστιν οἳ αὐτῶν, παντάπασιν ἐνῆγον τὸ πλῆθος ἐς τὸν πόλεμον. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ οὐδ᾽ ὣς τῇ πόλει προσέβαλλεν. Arr. An. 1.7 Flavii Arriani Anabasis Alexandri. Arrian. A.G. Roos. in aedibus B. G. Teubneri. Leipzig. 1907. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0074.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.7
sack of Thebes in 335 BC
άλωση της Θήβας το 335 π.Χ.
secession of Andros in 407 BC
αποστασία της Άνδρου το 407 π.Χ.
ἔνθεν δὲ ἐς Μαλλὸν ἀφίκετο καὶ Ἀμφιλόχῳ ὅσα ἥρωι ἐνήγισε: καὶ στασιάζοντας καταλαβὼν τὴν στάσιν αὐτοῖς κατέπαυσε: καὶ τοὺς φόρους, οὓς βασιλεῖ Δαρείῳ ἀπέφερον, ἀνῆκεν, ὅτι Ἀργείων μὲν Μαλλωταὶ ἄποικοι ἦσαν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἀπ᾽ Ἄργους τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν εἶναι ἠξίου. Arr. An. 2.5.9-Flavii Arriani Anabasis Alexandri. Arrian. A.G. Roos. in aedibus B. G. Teubneri. Leipzig. 1907 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0074.tlg001.perseus-grc1:2.5.9
Thence he marched to Mallus, where he rendered to Amphilochus the sacrificial honours due to a hero. He also arrested those who were creating a sedition among the citizens, and thus put a stop to it. He remitted the tribute which they were paying to King Darius, because the Malliotes were a colony of the Argives, and he himself claimed to have sprung from Argos, being a descendant of Heracles. CHAPTER V. 89 Project Gutenberg's The Anabasis of Alexander, by Arrian of Nicomedia-Translator: E. J. Chinnock https://www.gutenberg.org/files/46976/46976-h/46976-h.htm#Page_87
101. Meanwhile the Thasians being defeated in the field and suffering siege, appealed to Lacedaemon, and desired her to assist them by an invasion of Attica. [2] Without informing Athens she promised and intended to do so, but was prevented by the occurrence of the earthquake, accompanied by the secession of the Helots and the Thuriats and Aethaeans of the Perioeci to Ithome. Most of the Helots were the descendants of the old Messenians that were enslaved in the famous war; and so all of them came to be called Messenians. [3] So the Lacedaemonians being engaged in a war with the rebels in Ithome, the Thasians in the third year of the siege obtained terms from the Athenians by razing their walls, delivering up their ships, and arranging to pay the monies demanded at once, and tribute in future; giving up their possessions on the continent together with the mine. Thuc. 1.101 Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910. Thuc. 1.101
[3] ταῦτά τε ἀπαγγεῖλαι τοὺς ἑταίρους καὶ Ἀλέξανδρον οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον ἀποθανεῖν, ὡς τοῦτο ἄρα ἤδη ὂν τὸ ἄμεινον. οὐ πόρρω δὲ τούτων οὔτε Ἀριστοβούλῳ οὔτε Πτολεμαίῳ ἀναγέγραπται. οἱ δὲ καὶ τάδε ἀνέγραψαν, ἐρέσθαι μὲν τοὺς ἑταίρους αὐτὸν ὅτῳ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀπολείπει, τὸν δὲ ὑποκρίνασθαι ὅτι τῷ κρατίστῳ: οἱ δέ, προσθεῖναι πρὸς τούτῳ τῷ [p. 330] λόγῳ ὅτι μέγαν ἐπιτάφιον ἀγῶνα ὁρᾷ ἐφ αὑτῷ ἐσόμενον. Arr. An. 7.26.3 Flavii Arriani Anabasis Alexandri. Arrian. A.G. Roos. in aedibus B. G. Teubneri. Leipzig. 1907. Keyboarding. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0074.tlg001.perseus-grc1:7.26.3
ἐπ᾽ ἄρχοντος γὰρ Ἀθήνησι Κηφισοδώρου Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν κατέστησαν ὑπάτους Λεύκιον Φρούριον καὶ Δέκιον Ἰούνιον. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ βασιλέως τετελευτηκότος ἄπαιδος ἀναρχία καὶ πολλὴ στάσις ἐγένετο περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας. Diod. 18.2.1 Diodori Bibliotheca Historica, Vol 4-5. Diodorus Siculus. Immanel Bekker. Ludwig Dindorf. Friedrich Vogel. Kurt Theodor Fischer. in aedibus B. G. Teubneri. Leipzig. 1903-1906. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0060.tlg001.perseus-grc2:18.2.1
Alexander the Great's succession in 323 BC
Διαδοχή του Μ. Αλεξάνδρου το 323 π.Χ.
7. About the same time the Athenian general Simonides getting together a few Athenians from the garrisons, and a number of the allies in those parts, took Eion in Thrace, a Mendaean colony and hostile to Athens, by treachery, but had no sooner done so than the Chalcidians and Bottiaeans came up and beat him out of it, with the loss of many of his soldiers. Thuc. 4.7 Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:4.7
7. κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον Σιμωνίδης Ἀθηναίων στρατηγὸς Ἠιόνα τὴν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης Μενδαίων ἀποικίαν, πολεμίαν δὲ οὖσαν, ξυλλέξας Ἀθηναίους τε ὀλίγους ἐκ τῶν φρουρίων καὶ τῶν ἐκείνῃ ξυμμάχων πλῆθος προδιδομένην κατέλαβεν. καὶ παραχρῆμα ἐπιβοηθησάντων Χαλκιδέων καὶ Βοττιαίων ἐξεκρούσθη τε καὶ ἀπέβαλε πολλοὺς τῶν στρατιωτῶν. Thuc. 4.7 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:4.7
treason and occupation of Eion by the Athenians
trial of generals after the battle of Arginusae
trial of navarchs after the battle of Arginusae
δίκη των ναυάρχων μετά τη ναυμαχία των Αργινουσσών
δίκη των στρατηγών μετά τη ναυμαχία των Αργινουσσών
118. 1. As to the temple and oracle of the Pythian Apollo, we are agreed that whosoever will shall have access to it, without fraud or fear, according to the usages of his forefathers. [2] The Lacedaemonians and the allies present agree to this, and promise to send heralds to the Boeotians and Phocians, and to do their best to persuade them to agree likewise. [3] 2. As to the treasure of the god, we agree to exert ourselves to detect all malversators, truly and honestly following the customs of our forefathers, we and you and all others willing to do so, all following the customs of our forefathers. [4] As to these points the Lacedaemonians and the other allies are agreed as has been said. 3. As to what follows, the Lacedaemonians and the other allies agree, if the Athenians conclude a treaty, to remain, each of us in our own territory, retaining our respective acquisitions; the garrison in Coryphasium keeping within Buphras and Tomeus; that in Cythera attempting no communication with the Peloponnesian confederacy, neither we with them, or they with us; that in Nisaea and Minoa not crossing the road leading from the gates of the temple of Nisus to that of Poseidon and from thence straight to the bridge at Minoa; the Megarians and the allies being equally bound not to cross this road, and the Athenians retaining the island they have taken, without any communication on either side; as to Troezen, each side retaining what it has, and as was arranged with the Athenians. [5] 4. As to the use of the sea, so far as refers to their own coast and to that of their confederacy, that the Lacedaemonians and their allies may voyage upon it in any vessel rowed by oars and of not more than five hundred talents' tonnage, not a vessel of war. [6] 5. That all heralds and embassies, with as many attendants as they please, for concluding the war and adjusting claims, shall have free passage, going and coming, to Peloponnese or Athens by land and by sea. [7] 6. That during the truce, deserters whether bond or free shall be received neither by you, nor by us. [8] 7. Further, that satisfaction shall be given by you to us and by us to you according to the public law of our several countries, [9] all disputes being settled by law without recourse to hostilities. The Lacedaemonians and allies agree to these articles: but if you have anything fairer or juster to suggest, come to Lacedaemon and let us know; whatever shall be just will meet with no objection either from the Lacedaemonians or from the allies. [10] Only let those who come come with full powers, as you desire us. The truce shall be for one year. Approved by the people [11] The tribe of Acamantis had the prytany, Phoenippus was secretary, Niciades chairman. Laches moved, in the name of the good luck of the Athenians, that they should conclude the armistice upon the terms agreed upon by the Lacedaemonians and the allies. [12] It was agreed accordingly in the popular assembly, that the armistice should be for one year, beginning that very day, the fourteenth of the month of Elaphebolion; [13] during which time ambassadors and heralds should go and come between the two countries to discuss the bases of a pacification. [14] That the generals and prytanes should call an assembly of the people, in which the Athenians should first consult on the peace, and on the mode in which the embassy for putting an end to the war should be admitted. That the embassy now present should at once take the engagement before the people to keep well and truly this truce for one year. Thuc. 4.118 Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:4.118
118. ‘περὶ μὲν τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ τοῦ μαντείου τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦ Πυθίου δοκεῖ ἡμῖν χρῆσθαι τὸν βουλόμενον ἀδόλως καὶ ἀδεῶς κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους. [2] τοῖς μὲν Λακεδαιμονίοις ταῦτα δοκεῖ καὶ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις τοῖς παροῦσιν: Βοιωτοὺς δὲ καὶ Φωκέας πείσειν φασὶν ἐς δύναμιν προσκηρυκευόμενοι. [3] περὶ δὲ τῶν χρημάτων τῶν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐπιμέλεσθαι ὅπως τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας ἐξευρήσομεν, ὀρθῶς καὶ δικαίως τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις χρώμενοι καὶ ὑμεῖς καὶ ἡμεῖς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων οἱ βουλόμενοι, τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις χρώμενοι πάντες. [4] περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων ἔδοξε Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ξυμμάχοις κατὰ ταῦτα: τάδε δὲ ἔδοξε Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ξυμμάχοις ἐὰν σπονδὰς ποιῶνται οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῶν μένειν ἑκατέρους ἔχοντας ἅπερ νῦν ἔχομεν, τοὺς μὲν ἐν τῷ Κορυφασίῳ ἐντὸς τῆς Βουφράδος καὶ τοῦ Τομέως μένοντας, τοὺς δὲ ἐν Κυθήροις μὴ ἐπιμισγομένους ἐς τὴν ξυμμαχίαν, μήτε ἡμᾶς πρὸς αὐτοὺς μήτε αὐτοὺς πρὸς ἡμᾶς, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν Νισαίᾳ καὶ Μινῴᾳ μὴ ὑπερβαίνοντας τὴν ὁδὸν τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν πυλῶν τῶν παρὰ τοῦ Νίσου ἐπὶ τὸ Ποσειδώνιον, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Ποσειδωνίου εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν γέφυραν τὴν ἐς Μινῴαν （μηδὲ Μεγαρέας καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ὑπερβαίνειν τὴν ὁδὸν ταύτην） καὶ τὴν νῆσον, ἥνπερ ἔλαβον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἔχοντας, μηδὲ ἐπιμισγομένους μηδετέρους μηδετέρωσε, καὶ τὰ ἐν Τροιζῆνι, ὅσαπερ νῦν ἔχουσι, καθ᾽ ἃ ξυνέθεντο πρὸς Ἀθηναίους: [5] καὶ τῇ θαλάσσῃ χρωμένους, ὅσα ἂν κατὰ τὴν ἑαυτῶν καὶ κατὰ τὴν ξυμμαχίαν, Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους πλεῖν μὴ μακρᾷ νηί, ἄλλῳ δὲ κωπήρει πλοίῳ, ἐς πεντακόσια τάλαντα ἄγοντι μέτρα. [6] κήρυκι δὲ καὶ πρεσβείᾳ καὶ ἀκολούθοις, ὁπόσοις ἂν δοκῇ, περὶ καταλύσεως τοῦ πολέμου καὶ δικῶν ἐς Πελοπόννησον καὶ Ἀθήναζε σπονδὰς εἶναι ἰοῦσι καὶ ἀπιοῦσι καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν. [7] τοὺς δὲ αὐτομόλους μὴ δέχεσθαι ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ, μήτε ἐλεύθερον μήτε δοῦλον, μήτε ὑμᾶς μήτε ἡμᾶς. [8] δίκας τε διδόναι ὑμᾶς τε ἡμῖν καὶ ἡμᾶς ὑμῖν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια, τὰ ἀμφίλογα δίκῃ διαλύοντας ἄνευ πολέμου. [9] τοῖς μὲν Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις ταῦτα δοκεῖ: εἰ δέ τι ὑμῖν εἴτε κάλλιον εἴτε δικαιότερον τούτων δοκεῖ εἶναι, ἰόντες ἐς Λακεδαίμονα διδάσκετε: οὐδενὸς γὰρ ἀποστήσονται, ὅσα ἂν δίκαια λέγητε, οὔτε οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι οὔτε οἱ ξύμμαχοι. [10] οἱ δὲ ἰόντες τέλος ἔχοντες ἰόντων, ᾗπερ καὶ ὑμεῖς ἡμᾶς κελεύετε. αἱ δὲ σπονδαὶ ἐνιαυτὸν ἔσονται. [11] ‘ἔδοξεν τῷ δήμῳ. Ἀκαμαντὶς ἐπρυτάνευε, Φαίνιππος ἐγραμμάτευε, Νικιάδης ἐπεστάτει. Λάχης εἶπε, τύχῃ ἀγαθῇ τῇ Ἀθηναίων, ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἐκεχειρίαν καθ᾽ ἃ ξυγχωροῦσι Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι αὐτῶν καὶ ὡμολόγησαν ἐν τῷ δήμῳ: [12] τὴν <δ᾽> ἐκεχειρίαν εἶναι ἐνιαυτόν, ἄρχειν δὲ τήνδε τὴν ἡμέραν, τετράδα ἐπὶ δέκα τοῦ Ἐλαφηβολιῶνος μηνός. [13] ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ ἰόντας ὡς ἀλλήλους πρέσβεις καὶ κήρυκας ποιεῖσθαι τοὺς λόγους, καθ᾽ ὅτι ἔσται ἡ κατάλυσις τοῦ πολέμου. [14] ἐκκλησίαν δὲ ποιήσαντας τοὺς στρατηγοὺς καὶ τοὺς πρυτάνεις πρῶτον περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης ... βουλεύσασθαι Ἀθηναίους καθ᾽ ὅτι ἂν ἐσίῃ ἡ πρεσβεία περὶ τῆς καταλύσεως τοῦ πολέμου. σπείσασθαι δὲ αὐτίκα μάλα τὰς πρεσβείας ἐν τῷ δήμῳ τὰς παρούσας ἦ μὴν ἐμμενεῖν ἐν ταῖς σπονδαῖς τὸν ἐνιαυτόν. Thuc. 4.118 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:4.118
truce at Amphipolis in 423 BC
εκεχειρία στην Αμφίπολη το 423 π.Χ.
tsunami in Euboean and Malian Gulfs in 436 BC
τσουνάμι στον Ευβοϊκό και Μαλιακό κόλπο το 436 π.Χ.
Hipparchus tyrant of Athens in 514 BC
Turning a deaf ear to all these proposals, when their ships were manned and their allies had come in, the Corinthians sent a herald before them to declare war, and getting under weigh with seventy-five ships and two thousand heavy infantry, sailed for Epidamnus to give battle to the Corcyraeans. [2] The fleet was under the command of Aristeus, son of Pellichas Callicrates, son of Callias, and Timanor, son of Timanthes; the troops under that of Archetimus, son of Eurytimus, and Isarchidas, son of Isarchus. [3] When they had reached Actium in the territory of Anactorium, at the mouth of the gulf of Ambracia, where the temple of Apollo stands, the Corcyraeans sent on a herald in a light boat to warn them not to sail against them. Meanwhile they proceeded to man their ships, all of which had been equipped for action, the old vessels being undergirded to make them seaworthy. [4] On the return of the herald without any peaceful answer from the Corinthians, their ships being now manned, they put out to sea to meet the enemy with a fleet of eighty sail （forty were engaged in the siege of Epidamnus）, formed line and went into action,, [5] and gained a decisive victory and destroyed fifteen of the Corinthian vessels. The same day had seen Epidamnus compelled by its besiegers to capitulate; the conditions being that the foreigners should be sold, and the Corinthians kept as prisoners of war, till their fate should be otherwise decided. Thuc. 1.29 Thucydides translated into English; with introduction, marginal analysis, notes, and indices. Volume 1. Thucydides. Benjamin Jowett. translator. Oxford. Clarendon Press. 1881. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-eng3:1.29
Κορίνθιοι δὲ οὐδὲν τούτων ὑπήκουον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὴ πλήρεις αὐτοῖς ἦσαν αἱ νῆες καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι παρῆσαν, προπέμψαντες κήρυκα πρότερον πόλεμον προεροῦντα Κερκυραίοις, ἄραντες ἑβδομήκοντα ναυσὶ καὶ πέντε δισχιλίοις τε ὁπλίταις ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τὴν Ἐπίδαμνον Κερκυραίοις ἐναντία πολεμήσοντες: [2] ἐστρατήγει δὲ τῶν μὲν νεῶν Ἀριστεὺς ὁ Πελλίχου καὶ Καλλικράτης ὁ Καλλίου καὶ Τιμάνωρ ὁ Τιμάνθους, τοῦ δὲ πεζοῦ Ἀρχέτιμός τε ὁ Εὐρυτίμου καὶ Ἰσαρχίδας ὁ Ἰσάρχου. [3] ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ ἐγένοντο ἐν Ἀκτίῳ τῆς Ἀνακτορίας γῆς, οὗ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνός ἐστιν, ἐπὶ τῷ στόματι τοῦ Ἀμπρακικοῦ κόλπου, οἱ Κερκυραῖοι κήρυκά τε προύπεμψαν αὐτοῖς ἐν ἀκατίῳ ἀπεροῦντα μὴ πλεῖν ἐπὶ σφᾶς καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἅμα ἐπλήρουν, ζεύξαντές τε τὰς παλαιὰς ὥστε πλωίμους εἶναι καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἐπισκευάσαντες. [4] ὡς δὲ ὁ κῆρύξ τε ἀπήγγειλεν οὐδὲν εἰρηναῖον παρὰ τῶν Κορινθίων καὶ αἱ νῆες αὐτοῖς ἐπεπλήρωντο οὖσαι ὀγδοήκοντα （τεσσαράκοντα γὰρ Ἐπίδαμνον ἐπολιόρκουν）, ἀνταναγαγόμενοι καὶ παραταξάμενοι ἐναυμάχησαν: [5] καὶ ἐνίκησαν οἱ Κερκυραῖοι παρὰ πολὺ καὶ ναῦς πέντε καὶ δέκα διέφθειραν τῶν Κορινθίων. τῇ δὲ αὐτῇ ἡμέρᾳ αὐτοῖς ξυνέβη καὶ τοὺς τὴν Ἐπίδαμνον πολιορκοῦντας παραστήσασθαι ὁμολογίᾳ ὥστε τοὺς μὲν ἐπήλυδας ἀποδόσθαι, Κορινθίους δὲ δήσαντας ἔχειν ἕως ἂν ἄλλο τι δόξῃ. Thuc. 1.29 Thucydides. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 1942. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0003.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.29
epistates
επιστάτης
In ancient Greece the chief magistrate in various Greek city states was called eponymous archon (i.e., ruler that gave his name to yhe year). A means of dating.
eponymous archon
επώνυμος άρχων
ἐπώνυμος ἄρχων
general
strategos
στρατηγός
king
βασιλεύς
βασιλιάς
legislator
νομοθέτης
lictor
λίκτωρ
naval commander
navarch
ναύαρχος
one of the nine concurrent archons in Classical Athens, commander of the army
polemarch
πολέμαρχος
prytan
πρύτανης
πρύτανις
statesman
πολιτικός
trierarch
τριήραρχος
tyrant
τύραννος
ancient city and bishopric in Mysia.[nb 1] It was located at the Nara Burnu promontory on the Asian coast of the Hellespont (the straits of Dardanelles), opposite the ancient city of Sestos, and near the city of Çanakkale in Turkey.
αρχαία πόλη στη Μυσία. Βρισκόταν στην ασιατική ακτή του Ελλησπόντου (στενά των Δαρδανελίων), απέναντι από την αρχαία πόλη της Σέστου και κοντά στην πόλη Çanakkale (Τσανάκαλε) της Τουρκίας
Abydos
Ἄβυδος
Abydus
city of ancient Macedonia. It was founded around the middle of the 7th century BC by Ionian colonists from Andros or Andros and Chalkida, at the same time as the foundation of three other known colonies in the area, Sani (in today's Nea Rhoda), Stagira and Argilos a little further north, the oldest Greek colony in the region of Strumon.
πόλη της αρχαίας Μακεδονίας. Ιδρύθηκε γύρω στα μέσα του 7ου αιώνα π.χ. από Ίωνες αποίκους της Άνδρου ή της Άνδρου και της Χαλκίδας, συγχρόνως με την ίδρυση τριών άλλων γνωστών αποικιών στην περιοχή, της Σάνης (στα σημερινά Νέα Ρόδα), των Σταγείρων και της Αργίλου λίγο βορειότερα, της παλιότερης ελληνικής αποικίας στην περιοχή του Στρυμόνα.
Acanthus
Άκανθος
Ἄκανθος
Aυτοκρατορία των Αχαιμενιδών
ancient civilization that was based in modern day Iran around 600 BC
αρχαίος πολιτισμός που είχε την έδρα του στο σημερινό Ιράν γύρω στο 600 π.Χ.
Achaemenid Empire
Persian Empire
Περσική Αυτοκρατορία
(i.e. Goat Streams) is the ancient Greek name for a small river issuing into the Hellespont (Modern Turkish Çanakkale Boğazı), northeast of Sestos
Aegospotami
Αιγός Ποταμοί
(δηλ. κατσικόρρεμα) είναι η αρχαία ελληνική ονομασία ενός μικρού ποταμού που εκβάλλει στον Ελλήσποντο (σύγχρονη τουρκική ονομασία Çanakkale Boğazı), βορειοανατολικά της Σηστού
Aigos Potamoi
Aigos Potamos
Aigospotami
a mountainous region of Greece on the north coast of the Gulf of Corinth, forming the eastern part of the modern regional unit of Aetolia-Acarnania
ορεινή περιοχή της Ελλάδας στη βόρεια ακτή του Κορινθιακού κόλπου, που αποτελεί το ανατολικό τμήμα της περιφερειακής ενότητας Αιτωλοακαρνανίας της σύγχρονης Ελλάδας
Aetolia
Αιτωλία
Αἰτωλία
the site of ancient Aigai (Αἰγαί, Aigaí, Latinized: Aegae), the first capital of Macedon
Aegae
Aigai
Vergina
Βεργίνα
Ambracia
Αμβρακία
Ἀμβρακία
Ambrakia
Ἀμπρακία
Amphipolis
Αμφίπολη
Ἀμφίπολις
Ἄνδρος
Andros
Άνδρος
the northernmost island of the Greek Cyclades archipelago
το βορειότερο νησί του ελληνικού αρχιπελάγους των Κυκλάδων
Andros is the northernmost island of the Greek Cyclades archipelago, about 10 km (6 mi) southeast of Euboea, and about 3 km (2 mi) north of Tinos. In classical antiquity, the capital of Andros was prosperous proven by the sunken remains of an ancient agora (market) and the remains of the western part of the wall surrounding the capital. During the Persian Wars, Andros went under Persian domination until the naval Battle of Salamis (480 BC). Then it fell under Athenian domination, paying taxes and forced to send men to fight in the Peloponnesian War. After the war, Andros stayed under the dominance of Sparta, the winner of the war, and was liberated by the Athenians in 393 BC. Later on, the island participated and distinguished itself in the battle of Chaeroneia, in 338 BC.
ancient island group in the North Aegean sea, off the coast of Turkey, in ancient Aiolis
αρχαίο νησιωτικό σύμπλεγμα στο Βόρειο Αιγαίο, στα ανοικτά των ακτών της Τουρκίας, στην αρχαία Αιολίδα
Arginusae
Αργινούσες
Ἀργινοῦσα
White Isles
a peninsula also called Anatolia (from the Ancient Greek: Ἀνατολή), (Turkish: Anadolu) comprising the Asian part of modern Turkey
χερσόνησος επίσης γνωστή ως Ανατολία (από τα αρχαία ελληνικά: Ἀνατολή), (τουρκικά: Anadolu) και περιλαμβάνει το ασιατικό τμήμα της σύγχρονης Τουρκίας.
Asia Minor
Μικρά Ασία
Atalante (Opuntii Locri)
Atalanti (Opuntii Locri)
Αταλάντη
Atalante
Atalanti
Talandonisi
Athens
Αθήνα
Ἀθῆναι
a thriving ancient centre on the Euphrates river, capital of the empire of Hammurabi by the 18th century BCE, taken by Assyria in 690 BC flourishing under Nebuchadnezzar in the 6th century BC, taken by Cyrus the Great in 538 BCE and by Alexander in 331 BC
Babylon
Βαβυλώνα
ακμάζον αρχαίο κέντρο στον ποταμό Ευφράτη, πρωτεύουσα της αυτοκρατορίας του Χαμουραμπί τον 18ο αιώνα π.Χ., καταλαμβάνεται από την Ασσυρία το 690 π.Χ., ακμάζει υπό τον Ναβουχοδονόσορα τον 6ο αιώνα π.Χ., καταλαμβάνεται από τον Κύρο τον Μέγα το 538 π.Χ. και από τον Αλέξανδρο το 331 π.Χ.
CE´DREAE (Κεδρεαί, Κεδρειαί: Eth. Κεδρεάτης. Κεδραῖος), a city of Caria, mentioned by Hecataeus. (Steph. s. v. Κεδρεαί.) Lysander took the place, it being in alliance with the Athenians. The inhabitants were μιχοβάρβαροι, a mixture of Greeks and barbarians, as we may suppose. It was on the Ceramicus gulf in Caria; but the site is unknown. (Xen. Hell. 2.1. 15) Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, illustrated by numerous engravings on wood. William Smith, LLD. London. Walton and Maberly, Upper Gower Street and Ivy Lane, Paternoster Row; John Murray, Albemarle Street. 1854. https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:text:1999.04.0064:entry=cedreae-geo
Cedreiae
Κεδρεαί
Κεδρειαί
Kedreiai
Korkyra was an ancient Greek city on the island of Corfu in the Ionian sea, adjacent to Epirus.
αρχαία ελληνική πόλη στο νησί της Κέρκυρας στο Ιόνιο πέλαγος, δίπλα στην Ήπειρο
Corcyra
Corfu
Korkyra
Κέρκυρα
Corinth
Κόρινθος
Κορώνεια
Coronea
Coroneia
Κυνὸς σῆμα
Cynos Sema
Kynos Sema
On the fourth day after the sea-fight the Athenians in Sestos having hastily refitted their ships sailed against Cyzicus, which had revolted. Off Harpagium and Priapus they sighted at anchor the eight vessels from Byzantium, and sailing up and routing the troops on shore, took the ships, and then went on and recovered the town of Cyzicus, which was unfortified, and levied money from the citizens. Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910.Thuc. 8.107.1 https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0200%3Abook%3D8%3Achapter%3D107%3Asection%3D1
ancient Greek town in Mysia in Anatolia in the current Balıkesir Province of Turkey
αρχαία ελληνική πόλη στη Μυσία της Ανατολίας στη σημερινή επαρχία Balıkesir της Τουρκίας
Cyzicus
Κύζικος
Dekeleia
Decelea
Δεκέλεια
island near Mykonos, near the centre of the Cyclades archipelago, is one of the most important mythological, historical, and archaeological sites in Greece
νησί κοντά στη Μύκονο, κοντά στο κέντρο του αρχιπελάγους των Κυκλάδων, είναι ένας από τους σημαντικότερους μυθολογικούς, ιστορικούς και αρχαιολογικούς χώρους στην Ελλάδα
Delos
Δήλος
Attic: Δῆλος, Doric: Δᾶλος
town in ancient Thrace
αρχαία πόλη στη Θράκη
Eion, Thrace
Ηιόνα, Θράκη
Ἠιόνα
Durres (Albania)
Epidmanos
Επίδαμνος
Euboean Gulf
Ευβοϊκός κόλπος
Gavrion
Γαύριο
Γαύριον
country in Southeast Europe
Greece
Ελλάδα
Hellespont
Ελλήσποντος
Ἑλλήσποντος
Dardanelles
Issos
Ἰσσός
Issus
Ισσός
Ithome
Ιθώμη
Ἰθώμη
Lavrion
Λαύριο
Λαύριον
Lavrium
Lesbos
Λέσβος
Lesvos
Greek island in North Aegean
Λευκάδα
Leucas
Λευκάς
Leuctra
Λεύκτρα
a geographical and historical region of the Balkan Peninsula in Southeast Europe
ιστορική περιοχή της βαλκανικής χερσονήσου στη νοτιοανατολική Ευρώπη
Macedon
Macedonia
Makedon
Μακεδονία
Μάγαρσα
Μάγαρσος
Malian gulf
Μαλιακός κόλπος
Greek city in Cilicia (Anatolia) in ancient times
Mallos
Mallus
Μᾶλλος
Ελληνίδα πόλη στην Κιλικία (Ανατολία) κατά την αρχαιότητα
Μαλλός
Mantineia
Μαντινεία
Μαντίνεια
Mende
Μένδη
ancient city at Kalandra in Halkidiki Macedonia, Greece
region in the southwestern part of the Peloponnese, Greece
περιοχή στη ΝΔ Πελοπόννησο
Messenia
Μεσσηνία
Mycale
(capital) city on the Greek island of Lesbos
Mytilene
Μυτιλήνη
Ὄλπαι
Olpai
Opous
Οπούς
Orestis
Ορέστης
a town on the western coast of ancient Euboea, between Aedepsus and Aegae, which possessed an oracle of Apollo Selinuntius
πόλη στη δυτική ακτή της αρχαίας Εύβοιας, μεταξύ Αιδηψού και Αιγών, η οποία διέθετε μαντείο του Απόλλωνα Σελινούντιου
Orobiae
Oρόβιαι
Ὀρόβιαι
Ροβιές
Pallene
Phlegra
Peloponnesus
Πελοπόννησος
Peparethus
Πεπάρηθος
Skopelos
Σκόπελος
Phasaelis
Φασηλίς
Rome
Ρώμη
Σάμος
Segesta
Έγεστα
Αίγεστα
Sicily
Σικελία
Spain
Ισπανία
Laconia
Sparta
Λακωνία
Σπάρτη
Spartolos
Σπάρτωλος
Thebes
Θήβα
Thracian Chersonese
Θρακικὴ Χερσόνησος
Toroni
Τορώνη
Vergina is best known as the site of ancient Aigai (Αἰγαί, Aigaí, Latinized: Aegae), the first capital of Macedon
Gibraltar
Pillars of Hercules
Ηράκλειες Στήλες
Ἡράκλειαι Στῆλαι
Columnae Herculis
Corcyra Island
Κέρκυρα (νήσος)
Alicibiades
Alexander
Alexander the great
1. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα οὐ πολλαῖς ἡμέραις ὕστερον ἦλθεν ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν Θυμοχάρης ἔχων ναῦς ὀλίγας: καὶ εὐθὺς ἐναυμάχησαν αὖθις Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐνίκησαν δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἡγουμένου Ἀγησανδρίδου. [2] μετ᾽ ὀλίγον δὲ τούτων Δωριεὺς ὁ Διαγόρου ἐκ Ῥόδου εἰς Ἑλλήσποντον εἰσέπλει ἀρχομένου χειμῶνος τέτταρσι καὶ δέκα ναυσὶν ἅμα ἡμέρᾳ. κατιδὼν δὲ ὁ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἡμεροσκόπος ἐσήμηνε τοῖς στρατηγοῖς. οἱ δὲ ἀνηγάγοντο ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν εἴκοσι ναυσίν, ἃς ὁ Δωριεὺς φυγὼν πρὸς τὴν γῆν ἀνεβίβαζε τὰς αὑτοῦ τριήρεις, ὡς ἤνοιγε, περὶ τὸ Ῥοίτειον. [3] ἐγγὺς δὲ γενομένων τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐμάχοντο ἀπό τε τῶν νεῶν καὶ τῆς γῆς μέχρι οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀπέπλευσαν εἰς Μάδυτον πρὸς τὸ ἄλλο στρατόπεδον οὐδὲν πράξαντες. [4] Μίνδαρος δὲ κατιδὼν τὴν μάχην ἐν Ἰλίῳ θύων τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ, ἐβοήθει ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατταν, καὶ καθελκύσας τὰς ἑαυτοῦ τριήρεις ἀπέπλει, ὅπως ἀναλάβοι τὰς μετὰ Δωριέως. [5] οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀνταναγαγόμενοι ἐναυμάχησαν περὶ Ἄβυδον κατὰ τὴν ᾐόνα, μέχρι δείλης ἐξ ἑωθινοῦ. καὶ τὰ μὲν νικώντων, τὰ δὲ νικωμένων, Ἀλκιβιάδης ἐπεισπλεῖ δυοῖν δεούσαις εἴκοσι ναυσίν. [6] ἐντεῦθεν δὲ φυγὴ τῶν Πελοποννησίων ἐγένετο πρὸς τὴν Ἄβυδον: καὶ ὁ Φαρνάβαζος παρεβοήθει, καὶ ἐπεισβαίνων τῷ ἵππῳ εἰς τὴν θάλατταν μέχρι δυνατὸν ἦν ἐμάχετο, καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις τοῖς αὑτοῦ ἱππεῦσι καὶ πεζοῖς παρεκελεύετο. [7] συμφράξαντες δὲ τὰς ναῦς οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ παραταξάμενοι πρὸς τῇ γῇ ἐμάχοντο. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ἀπέπλευσαν, τριάκοντα ναῦς τῶν πολεμίων λαβόντες κενὰς καὶ ἃς αὐτοὶ ἀπώλεσαν κομισάμενοι, εἰς Σηστόν. [8] ἐντεῦθεν πλὴν τετταράκοντα νεῶν ἄλλαι ἄλλῃ ᾤχοντο ἐπ᾽ ἀργυρολογίαν ἔξω τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου: καὶ ὁ Θράσυλλος, εἷς ὢν τῶν στρατηγῶν, εἰς Ἀθήνας ἔπλευσε ταῦτα ἐξαγγελῶν καὶ στρατιὰν καὶ ναῦς αἰτήσων. [9] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Τισσαφέρνης ἦλθεν εἰς Ἑλλήσποντον: ἀφικόμενον δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτὸν μιᾷ τριήρει Ἀλκιβιάδην ξένιά τε καὶ δῶρα ἄγοντα συλλαβὼν εἶρξεν ἐν Σάρδεσι, φάσκων κελεύειν βασιλέα πολεμεῖν Ἀθηναίοις. [10] ἡμέραις δὲ τριάκοντα ὕστερον Ἀλκιβιάδης ἐκ Σάρδεων μετὰ Μαντιθέου τοῦ ἁλόντος ἐν Καρίᾳ ἵππων εὐπορήσαντες νυκτὸς ἀπέδρασαν εἰς Κλαζομενάς: [11] οἱ δ᾽ ἐν Σηστῷ Ἀθηναῖοι, αἰσθόμενοι Μίνδαρον πλεῖν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς μέλλοντα ναυσὶν ἑξήκοντα, νυκτὸς ἀπέδρασαν εἰς Καρδίαν. ἐνταῦθα δὲ καὶ Ἀλκιβιάδης ἧκεν ἐκ τῶν Κλαζομενῶν σὺν πέντε τριήρεσι καὶ ἐπακτρίδι. πυθόμενος δὲ ὅτι αἱ τῶν Πελοποννησίων νῆες ἐξ Ἀβύδου ἀνηγμέναι εἶεν εἰς Κύζικον, αὐτὸς μὲν πεζῇ ἦλθεν εἰς Σηστόν, τὰς δὲ ναῦς περιπλεῖν ἐκεῖσε ἐκέλευσεν. [12] ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἦλθον, ἀνάγεσθαι ἤδη αὐτοῦ μέλλοντος ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμαχίαν ἐπεισπλεῖ Θηραμένης εἴκοσι ναυσὶν ἀπὸ Μακεδονίας, ἅμα δὲ καὶ Θρασύβουλος εἴκοσιν ἑτέραις ἐκ Θάσου, ἀμφότεροι ἠργυρολογηκότες. [13] Ἀλκιβιάδης δὲ εἰπὼν καὶ τούτοις διώκειν αὐτὸν ἐξελομένοις τὰ μεγάλα ἱστία αὐτὸς ἔπλευσεν εἰς Πάριον: ἁθρόαι δὲ γενόμεναι αἱ νῆες ἅπασαι ἐν Παρίῳ ἓξ καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα τῆς ἐπιούσης νυκτὸς ἀνηγάγοντο, καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ ἡμέρᾳ περὶ ἀρίστου ὥραν ἧκον εἰς Προκόννησον. [14] ἐκεῖ δ᾽ ἐπύθοντο ὅτι Μίνδαρος ἐν Κυζίκῳ εἴη καὶ Φαρνάβαζος μετὰ τοῦ πεζοῦ. ταύτην μὲν οὖν τὴν ἡμέραν αὐτοῦ ἔμειναν, τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ Ἀλκιβιάδης ἐκκλησίαν ποιήσας παρεκελεύετο αὐτοῖς ὅτι ἀνάγκη εἴη καὶ ναυμαχεῖν καὶ πεζομαχεῖν καὶ τειχομαχεῖν: οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν, ἔφη, χρήματα ἡμῖν, τοῖς δὲ πολεμίοις ἄφθονα παρὰ βασιλέως. [15] τῇ δὲ προτεραίᾳ, ἐπειδὴ ὡρμίσαντο, τὰ πλοῖα πάντα καὶ τὰ μικρὰ συνήθροισε παρ᾽ ἑαυτόν, ὅπως μηδεὶς ἐξαγγείλαι τοῖς πολεμίοις τὸ πλῆθος τῶν νεῶν, ἐπεκήρυξέ τε, ὃς ἂν ἁλίσκηται εἰς τὸ πέραν διαπλέων, θάνατον τὴν ζημίαν. [16] μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν παρασκευασάμενος ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμαχίαν ἀνηγάγετο ἐπὶ τὴν Κύζικον ὕοντος πολλῷ. ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ ἐγγὺς τῆς Κυζίκου ἦν, αἰθρίας γενομένης καὶ τοῦ ἡλίου ἐκλάμψαντος καθορᾷ τὰς τοῦ Μινδάρου ναῦς γυμναζομένας πόρρω ἀπὸ τοῦ λιμένος καὶ ἀπειλημμένας ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, ἑξήκοντα οὔσας. [17] οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι ἰδόντες τὰς τῶν Ἀθηναίων τριήρεις οὔσας πλείους τε πολλῷ ἢ πρότερον καὶ πρὸς τῷ λιμένι, ἔφυγον εἰς τὴν γῆν: καὶ συνορμίσαντες τὰς ναῦς ἐμάχοντο ἐπιπλέουσι τοῖς ἐναντίοις. [18] Ἀλκιβιάδης δὲ ταῖς εἴκοσι τῶν νεῶν περιπλεύσας ἀπέβη εἰς τὴν γῆν. ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Μίνδαρος, καὶ αὐτὸς ἀποβὰς ἐν τῇ γῇ μαχόμενος ἀπέθανεν: οἱ δὲ μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ ὄντες ἔφυγον. τὰς δὲ ναῦς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ᾤχοντο ἄγοντες ἁπάσας εἰς Προκόννησον πλὴν τῶν Συρακοσίων: ἐκείνας δὲ αὐτοὶ κατέκαυσαν οἱ Συρακόσιοι. [19] ἐκεῖθεν δὲ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἔπλεον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐπὶ Κύζικον. οἱ δὲ Κυζικηνοὶ τῶν Πελοποννησίων καὶ Φαρναβάζου ἐκλιπόντων αὐτὴν ἐδέχοντο τοὺς Ἀθηναίους: [20] Ἀλκιβιάδης δὲ μείνας αὐτοῦ εἴκοσιν ἡμέρας καὶ χρήματα πολλὰ λαβὼν παρὰ τῶν Κυζικηνῶν, οὐδὲν ἄλλο κακὸν ἐργασάμενος ἐν τῇ πόλει ἀπέπλευσεν εἰς Προκόννησον. ἐκεῖθεν δ᾽ ἔπλευσεν εἰς Πέρινθον καὶ Σηλυμβρίαν. [21] καὶ Περίνθιοι μὲν εἰσεδέξαντο εἰς τὸ ἄστυ τὸ στρατόπεδον: Σηλυμβριανοὶ δὲ ἐδέξαντο μὲν οὔ, χρήματα δὲ ἔδοσαν. [22] ἐντεῦθεν δ᾽ ἀφικόμενοι τῆς Καλχηδονίας εἰς Χρυσόπολιν ἐτείχισαν αὐτήν, καὶ δεκατευτήριον κατεσκεύασαν ἐν αὐτῇ, καὶ τὴν δεκάτην ἐξέλεγον τῶν ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου πλοίων, καὶ φυλακὴν ἐγκαταλιπόντες ναῦς τριάκοντα καὶ στρατηγὼ δύο, Θηραμένην καὶ Εὔμαχον, τοῦ τε χωρίου ἐπιμελεῖσθαι καὶ τῶν ἐκπλεόντων πλοίων καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο δύναιντο βλάπτειν τοὺς πολεμίους. οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι στρατηγοὶ εἰς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ᾤχοντο. [23] παρὰ δὲ Ἱπποκράτους τοῦ Μινδάρου ἐπιστολέως εἰς Λακεδαίμονα γράμματα πεμφθέντα ἑάλωσαν εἰς Ἀθήνας λέγοντα τάδε: "ἔρρει τὰ κᾶλα. Μίνδαρος ἀπεσσύα. πεινῶντι τὤνδρες. ἀπορίομες τί χρὴ δρᾶν." [24] Φαρνάβαζος δὲ παντὶ τῷ τῶν Πελοποννησίων στρατεύματι καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις παρακελευσάμενος μὴ ἀθυμεῖν ἕνεκα ξύλων, ὡς ὄντων πολλῶν ἐν τῇ βασιλέως, ἕως ἂν τὰ σώματα σῶα ᾖ, ἱμάτιόν τ᾽ ἔδωκεν ἑκάστῳ καὶ ἐφόδιον δυοῖν μηνοῖν, καὶ ὁπλίσας τοὺς ναύτας φύλακας κατέστησε τῆς ἑαυτοῦ παραθαλαττίας γῆς. [25] καὶ συγκαλέσας τούς τε ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων στρατηγοὺς καὶ τριηράρχους ἐκέλευε ναυπηγεῖσθαι τριήρεις ἐν Ἀντάνδρῳ ὅσας ἕκαστοι ἀπώλεσαν, χρήματά τε διδοὺς καὶ ὕλην ἐκ τῆς Ἴδης κομίζεσθαι φράζων. [26] ναυπηγουμένων δὲ οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἅμα τοῖς Ἀντανδρίοις τοῦ τείχους τι ἐπετέλεσαν, καὶ ἐν τῇ φρουρᾷ ἤρεσαν πάντων μάλιστα. διὰ ταῦτα δὲ εὐεργεσία τε καὶ πολιτεία Συρακοσίοις ἐν Ἀντάνδρῳ ἐστί. Φαρνάβαζος μὲν οὖν ταῦτα διατάξας εὐθὺς εἰς Καλχηδόνα ἐβοήθει. [27] ἐν δὲ τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ ἠγγέλθη τοῖς τῶν Συρακοσίων στρατηγοῖς οἴκοθεν ὅτι φεύγοιεν ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου. συγκαλέσαντες οὖν τοὺς ἑαυτῶν στρατιώτας Ἑρμοκράτους προηγοροῦντος ἀπωλοφύροντο τὴν ἑαυτῶν συμφοράν, ὡς ἀδίκως φεύγοιεν ἅπαντες παρὰ τὸν νόμον: παρῄνεσάν τε προθύμους εἶναι καὶ τὰ λοιπά, ὥσπερ τὰ πρότερα, καὶ ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς πρὸς τὰ ἀεὶ παραγγελλόμενα, ἑλέσθαι δὲ ἐκέλευον ἄρχοντας, μέχρι ἂν ἀφίκωνται οἱ ᾑρημένοι ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνων. [28] οἱ δ᾽ ἀναβοήσαντες ἐκέλευον ἐκείνους ἄρχειν, καὶ μάλιστα οἱ τριήραρχοι καὶ οἱ ἐπιβάται καὶ οἱ κυβερνῆται. οἱ δ᾽ οὐκ ἔφασαν δεῖν στασιάζειν πρὸς τὴν ἑαυτῶν πόλιν: εἰ δέ τις ἐπικαλοίη τι αὐτοῖς, λόγον ἔφασαν χρῆναι διδόναι, μεμνημένους Ὅσας τε ναυμαχίας αὐτοὶ καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς νενικήκατε καὶ ναῦς εἰλήφατε, ὅσα τε μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἀήττητοι γεγόνατε ἡμῶν ἡγουμένων, τάξιν ἔχοντες τὴν κρατίστην διά τε τὴν ἡμετέραν ἀρετὴν καὶ διὰ τὴν ὑμετέραν προθυμίαν καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν ὑπάρχουσαν. [29] οὐδενὸς δὲ οὐδὲν ἐπαιτιωμένου, δεομένων ἔμειναν ἕως ἀφίκοντο οἱ ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνων στρατηγοί, Δήμαρχός τ᾽ Ἐπικύδου καὶ Μύσκων Μενεκράτους καὶ Πόταμις Γνώσιος. τῶν δὲ τριηράρχων ὀμόσαντες οἱ πλεῖστοι κατάξειν αὐτούς, ἐπὰν εἰς Συρακούσας ἀφίκωνται, ἀπεπέμψαντο ὅποι ἐβούλοντο πάντας ἐπαινοῦντες: [30] ἰδίᾳ δὲ οἱ πρὸς Ἑρμοκράτην προσομιλοῦντες μάλιστα ἐπόθησαν τήν τε ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ προθυμίαν καὶ κοινότητα. ὧν γὰρ ἐγίγνωσκε τοὺς ἐπιεικεστάτους καὶ τριηράρχων καὶ κυβερνητῶν καὶ ἐπιβατῶν, ἑκάστης ἡμέρας πρῲ καὶ πρὸς ἑσπέραν συναλίζων πρὸς τὴν σκηνὴν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἀνεκοινοῦτο ὅ τι ἔμελλεν ἢ λέγειν ἢ πράττειν, κἀκείνους ἐδίδασκε κελεύων λέγειν τὰ μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ παραχρῆμα, τὰ δὲ βουλευσαμένους. [31] ἐκ τούτων Ἑρμοκράτης τὰ πολλὰ ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ ηὐδόξει, λέγειν τε δοκῶν καὶ βουλεύειν τὰ κράτιστα. κατηγορήσας δὲ Τισσαφέρνους ἐν Λακεδαίμονι Ἑρμοκράτης, μαρτυροῦντος καὶ Ἀστυόχου, καὶ δόξας τὰ ὄντα λέγειν, ἀφικόμενος παρὰ Φαρνάβαζον, πρὶν αἰτῆσαι χρήματα λαβών, παρεσκευάζετο πρὸς τὴν εἰς Συρακούσας κάθοδον ξένους τε καὶ τριήρεις. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ἧκον οἱ διάδοχοι τῶν Συρακοσίων εἰς Μίλητον καὶ παρέλαβον τὰς ναῦς καὶ τὸ στράτευμα. [32] ἐν Θάσῳ δὲ κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον στάσεως γενομένης ἐκπίπτουσιν οἱ λακωνισταὶ καὶ ὁ Λάκων ἁρμοστὴς Ἐτεόνικος. καταιτιαθεὶς δὲ ταῦτα πρᾶξαι σὺν Τισσαφέρνει Πασιππίδας ὁ Λάκων ἔφυγεν ἐκ Σπάρτης: ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ ναυτικόν, ὃ ἐκεῖνος ἡθροίκει ἀπὸ τῶν συμμάχων, ἐξεπέμφθη Κρατησιππίδας, καὶ παρέλαβεν ἐν Χίῳ. [33] περὶ δὲ τούτους τοὺς χρόνους Θρασύλλου ἐν Ἀθήναις ὄντος Ἆγις ἐκ τῆς Δεκελείας προνομὴν ποιούμενος πρὸς αὐτὰ τὰ τείχη ἦλθε τῶν Ἀθηναίων: Θράσυλλος δὲ ἐξαγαγὼν Ἀθηναίους καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει ὄντας ἅπαντας παρέταξε παρὰ τὸ Λύκειον γυμνάσιον, ὡς μαχούμενος, ἂν προσίωσιν. [34] ἰδὼν δὲ ταῦτα Ἆγις ἀπήγαγε ταχέως, καί τινες αὐτῶν ὀλίγοι τῶν ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ὑπὸ τῶν ψιλῶν ἀπέθανον. οἱ οὖν Ἀθηναῖοι τῷ Θρασύλλῳ διὰ ταῦτα ἔτι προθυμότεροι ἦσαν ἐφ᾽ ἃ ἧκε, καὶ ἐψηφίσαντο ὁπλίτας τε αὐτὸν καταλέξασθαι χιλίους, ἱππέας δὲ ἑκατόν, τριήρεις δὲ πεντήκοντα. [35] Ἆγις δὲ ἐκ τῆς Δεκελείας ἰδὼν πλοῖα πολλὰ σίτου εἰς Πειραιᾶ καταθέοντα, οὐδὲν ὄφελος ἔφη εἶναι τοὺς μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ πολὺν ἤδη χρόνον Ἀθηναίους εἴργειν τῆς γῆς, εἰ μή τις σχήσοι καὶ ὅθεν ὁ κατὰ θάλατταν σῖτος φοιτᾷ: κράτιστόν τε εἶναι καὶ Κλέαρχον τὸν Ῥαμφίου πρόξενον ὄντα Βυζαντίων πέμψαι εἰς Καλχηδόνα τε καὶ Βυζάντιον. [36] δόξαντος δὲ τούτου, πληρωθεισῶν νεῶν ἔκ τε Μεγάρων καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων πεντεκαίδεκα στρατιωτίδων μᾶλλον ἢ ταχειῶν ᾤχετο. καὶ αὐτοῦ τῶν νεῶν τρεῖς ἀπόλλυνται ἐν τῷ Ἑλλησπόντῳ ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀττικῶν ἐννέα νεῶν, αἳ ἀεὶ ἐνταῦθα τὰ πλοῖα διεφύλαττον, αἱ δ᾽ ἄλλαι ἔφυγον εἰς †Σηστόν, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ εἰς Βυζάντιον ἐσώθησαν. [37] καὶ ὁ ἐνιαυτὸς ἔληγεν, ἐν ᾧ Καρχηδόνιοι Ἀννίβα ἡγουμένου στρατεύσαντες ἐπὶ Σικελίαν δέκα μυριάσι στρατιᾶς αἱροῦσιν ἐν τρισὶ μησὶ δύο πόλεις Ἑλληνίδας Σελινοῦντα καὶ Ἱμέραν. Xenophon. Xenophontis opera omnia, vol. 1. Oxford, Clarendon Press. 1900 (repr. 1968). Xen. Hell. 1.1 http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0032.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.1
reference 1 to the Abydos battle (in ancient Greek)
μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα οὐ πολλαῖς ἡμέραις ὕστερον ἦλθεν ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν Θυμοχάρης ἔχων ναῦς ὀλίγας: καὶ εὐθὺς ἐναυμάχησαν αὖθις Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐνίκησαν δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἡγουμένου Ἀγησανδρίδου. [2] μετ᾽ ὀλίγον δὲ τούτων Δωριεὺς ὁ Διαγόρου ἐκ Ῥόδου εἰς Ἑλλήσποντον εἰσέπλει ἀρχομένου χειμῶνος τέτταρσι καὶ δέκα ναυσὶν ἅμα ἡμέρᾳ. κατιδὼν δὲ ὁ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἡμεροσκόπος ἐσήμηνε τοῖς στρατηγοῖς. οἱ δὲ ἀνηγάγοντο ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν εἴκοσι ναυσίν, ἃς ὁ Δωριεὺς φυγὼν πρὸς τὴν γῆν ἀνεβίβαζε τὰς αὑτοῦ τριήρεις, ὡς ἤνοιγε, περὶ τὸ Ῥοίτειον. [3] ἐγγὺς δὲ γενομένων τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐμάχοντο ἀπό τε τῶν νεῶν καὶ τῆς γῆς μέχρι οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀπέπλευσαν εἰς Μάδυτον πρὸς τὸ ἄλλο στρατόπεδον οὐδὲν πράξαντες. [4] Μίνδαρος δὲ κατιδὼν τὴν μάχην ἐν Ἰλίῳ θύων τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ, ἐβοήθει ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατταν, καὶ καθελκύσας τὰς ἑαυτοῦ τριήρεις ἀπέπλει, ὅπως ἀναλάβοι τὰς μετὰ Δωριέως. [5] οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀνταναγαγόμενοι ἐναυμάχησαν περὶ Ἄβυδον κατὰ τὴν ᾐόνα, μέχρι δείλης ἐξ ἑωθινοῦ. καὶ τὰ μὲν νικώντων, τὰ δὲ νικωμένων, Ἀλκιβιάδης ἐπεισπλεῖ δυοῖν δεούσαις εἴκοσι ναυσίν. [6] ἐντεῦθεν δὲ φυγὴ τῶν Πελοποννησίων ἐγένετο πρὸς τὴν Ἄβυδον: καὶ ὁ Φαρνάβαζος παρεβοήθει, καὶ ἐπεισβαίνων τῷ ἵππῳ εἰς τὴν θάλατταν μέχρι δυνατὸν ἦν ἐμάχετο, καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις τοῖς αὑτοῦ ἱππεῦσι καὶ πεζοῖς παρεκελεύετο. [7] συμφράξαντες δὲ τὰς ναῦς οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ παραταξάμενοι πρὸς τῇ γῇ ἐμάχοντο. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ἀπέπλευσαν, τριάκοντα ναῦς τῶν πολεμίων λαβόντες κενὰς καὶ ἃς αὐτοὶ ἀπώλεσαν κομισάμενοι, εἰς Σηστόν. Xen. Hell. 1.1.1 Xenophon. Xenophontis opera omnia, vol. 1. Oxford, Clarendon Press. 1900 (repr. 1968).
After this, not many days later, Thymochares came from Athens with a few ships; and thereupon the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians fought another naval battle, and the Lacedaemonians were victorious, under the leadership of Agesandridas. [2] Shortly after this, at the beginning of the winter, Dorieus, the son of Diagoras, sailed into the Hellespont from Rhodes with fourteen ships, arriving at daybreak. And when the Athenian day-watcher described him, he signalled to the generals, and they put out against him with twenty ships; and Dorieus, fleeing from them towards the shore, beached his triremes, as fast as he got them clear of the enemy, in the neighbourhood of Rhoeteum. [3] And when the Athenians came near, the men under Dorieus fought, from their ships and from the shore, until the Athenians sailed away to Madytus, to the rest of their fleet, without having accomplished anything. [4] Now Mindarus caught sight of the battle as he was sacrificing to Athena at Ilium, and hurrying to the sea he launched his triremes and set out, in order to pick up the ships under Dorieus. [5] And the Athenians set out against him and did battle, along the strand near Abydus, from morning till late afternoon. They were at some points victorious and at others defeated, when Alcibiades sailed into the Hellespont to their support, with eighteen ships.[6] Thereupon the Peloponnesians took to flight in the direction of Abydus; and Pharnabazus came along the shore to their aid, and riding his horse into the sea as far as possible, bore a share in the fighting and cheered on his followers, cavalry and infantry. [7] Meanwhile the Peloponnesians made a barrier of their ships and marshalled themselves on the shore and fought. At length the Athenians sailed away to Sestus after capturing thirty of the enemy's ships, though without their crews, and recovering those which they had previously lost themselves. Xen. Hell. 1.1.1 Xenophon. Xenophon in Seven Volumes, 1 and 2. Carleton L. Brownson. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA; William Heinemann, Ltd., London. vol. 1:1918; vol. 2: 1921.
reference 1 to the Abydos battle (in English)
battle
bataille
crisis
crise
event
événement
naval battle
sedition
sédition
unnamed man who sat on Alexander the Great's throne
μη κατονομαζόμενος άνδας που κάθισε στο θρόνο του Μεγάλου Αλεξάνδρου
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alliance
συμμαχία
αμνηστία
amnesty
ἀμνηστ-ία , Ion. -ιη, ἡ, A.forgetfulness, “εἶναι ἐν ἀ.” Pl.Mx.239e; “ἀ. ἔχειν τινός” Heraclit.Ep.2, cf. LXX Wi.19.4, Plu.2.612d, etc. 2. esp. amnesty, “τῶν προγεγενημένων ἐγκλημάτων” SIG633.36 (Milet., ii B. C.), cf. Str.7.2.1, Nic.Dam.Vit.Caes.28, Ph.2.75, Plu.Cic.42, Ant.14. II. failure to mention thing, passing it over Corn.Rh. p.371H. Henry George Liddell. Robert Scott. A Greek-English Lexicon. revised and augmented throughout by. Sir Henry Stuart Jones. with the assistance of. Roderick McKenzie. Oxford. Clarendon Press. 1940. https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.04.0057%3Aentry%3Da)mnhsti%2Fa
Apaturia (Greek: Ἀπατούρια) were ancient Greek festivals held annually by all the Ionian towns, except Ephesus and Colophon.[1] At Athens the Apaturia took place on the 11th, 12th and 13th days of the month of Pyanepsion (mid-October to mid-November), on which occasion the various phratries, or clans, of Attica met to discuss their affairs.[2] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Apaturia
φόνος
murder
assassination
δολοφονία
by 'assassination' we mean the killing of a politically important person (the underlying motive being to bring about some political change); by 'murder', on the other hand, we mean the unlawful and malicious or premeditated killing of one human being by another
με τον όρο assassination (δολοφονία) εννοούμε τη στέρηση της ζωής ενός σημαντικού πολιτικού προσώπου (με βασικό κίνητρο την επίτευξη πολιτικής αλλαγής), ενώ με τον όρο murder (φόνος), από την άλλη πλευρά, εννοούμε την παράνομη και κακόβουλη ή προμελετημένη στέρηση της ζωής ενός ανθρώπου από έναν άλλο
μάχη
blockade
αποκλεισμός
the physical blocking or surrounding of a place, especially a port, in order to prevent commerce and traffic in or out. The term is applied chiefly to a naval attempt and often implies investment with troops on one side of a fortified place (often a city).
εκστρατεία
ἐκστρατεία
expedition
campaign
πόλη
οικισμός
city
κατοικημένη περιοχή
κέντρο πόλης
city center
city-state
πόλη-κράτος
guerre civile
στάσις
civil war
εμφύλιος πόλεμος
coastal location
συνομωσία
μηχανορραφία
plot
συμπαιγνία
conspiration
conspiracy
ἐπιβουλή
coup-d-etat
coup d'état
πραξικόπημα
κρίση
κρίσις [ι^ς], εως, ἡ, （κρίνω) A.separating, distinguishing 2. decision, judgement 3. choice, election 4. interpretation of dreams or portents II. judgement of a court b. result of a trial, condemnation 2. trial of skill or strength 3. dispute III. event, issue 2. turning point of a disease, sudden change for better or worse https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.04.0057%3Aentry%3Dkri%2Fsis
defection
ἀπόστασις LSJ http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/morph?l=a%29posta%2Fsewn&la=greek&can=a%29posta%2Fsewn0&prior=tw=n&d=Perseus:text:1999.01.0199:book=1:chapter=99:section=1&i=1#Perseus:text:1999.04.0057:entry=a)po/stasis-contents
αποστασία
συστηματική υλοτόμηση των δασών και της υποβλάστησής τους
αποψίλωση δασών
deforestation
removal of forests and their undergrowth
δῆμος
δήμος (Αρχαία Αθήνα)
deme (Ancient Athens)
demonstration
διαδήλωση
αποστολή στρατεύματος
dispatch of troops
ανομβρία
economic crisis
οικονομική κρίση
elections
εκλογές
αυτοκρατορία
empire
end of alliance
λήξη της συμμαχίας
περιβαλλοντική κρίση
crises occurring in the natural world, the ecosystem
environmental crisis
οικολογική κρίση
κρίσεις που συμβαίνουν στον φυσικό κόσμο, το οικοσύστημα
ecological crisis
pandemic
πανδημία
epidemic
επιδημία
Event
Το γεγονός LACRIMALit είναι μια δραστηριότητα (υποκλάση του CIDOC-CRM E 7 Activity) που εκτελείται από ένα στιγμιότυπο (instance) LACRIMALit πράκτορα agent (υποκατηγορία του CIDOC-CRM E 39 Actor) που λαμβάνει χώρα σε μια τοποθεσία LACRIMALit και έχει ημερομηνία έναρξης και λήξης.
LACRIMALit Event is an Activity (subClass of CIDOC-CRM E 7 Activity) carried out by an instance of LACRIMALit Agent (subClass of CIDOC-CRM E 39 Actor) that occurs at an instance of LACRIMALit Location and has a beginning date and an end date.
displacement of population
ἐξορία
εκτόπιση πληθυσμού
expulsion
ἑορτή
Μια ευκαιρία για γλέντι ή εορτασμό, ιδίως μια ημέρα ή ώρα θρησκευτικής σημασίας που επαναλαμβάνεται σε τακτά χρονικά διαστήματα.
festival
An occasion for feasting or celebration, especially a day or time of religious significance that recurs at regular intervals.
γιορτή
financial crisis
κακοδιαχείριση δημόσιου χρήματος
financial mismanagement of public money
Financial mismanagement is management that, deliberately or not, is handled in a way that can be characterized as "wrong, bad, careless, inefficient or incompetent" and that will reflect negatively upon the financial standing of a business or individual. "Cambridge Dictionary". Retrieved 20 October 2014. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Financial_mismanagement
geo-political division
gulf
κόλπος
harangue
δημηγορία
hegemony
https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.04.0057%3Aentry%3Dh(gemoni%2Fa ἡγεμον-ία , ἡ, A.leading the way, going first, Hdt.2.93; τῇ τῶν δυναστευόντων ἡ. by their example, Pl.Lg.711c. II. authority, rule, of dynasties or nations, Hdt.1.7, 3.65, etc.; of a general or officer, Th.4.91; “ἐν ἡγεμονίαις” Id.7.15; ἡ ἡ. τῶν Ἰώνων τοῦ πολέμου Hdt.6.2; ἡ κατὰ πόλεμον ἡ., τῶν πολεμικῶν ἡ ἡ., Arist.Pol. 1285b9, 18; “αἱ ἡ. τῶν στρατοπέδων” Pl.Euthd.273c; “τῶν ὀπισθοφυλάκων” X.An.4.7.8; ἡ. δικαστηρίου presidency in a court, Aeschin.3.14; headship of a philosophical school, Phld.Acad.Ind.p.59 M. 2. political supremacy, “ἡ ἡ. τῆς 'Ελλάδος” X.HG7.1.33; “παρ᾽ ἑκόντων τῶν 'Ελλήνων τὴν ἡ. ἐλάβομεν” Isoc.8.30; “ἡ. ἡ κατὰ θάλατταν” Id.12.67, cf. Arist. Ath.23.2; ἡ ἐν 'Αρείῳ πάγῳ βουλὴ οὐδενὶ δόγματι λαβοῦσα τὴν ἡ. ib.1, cf.Pol.1304a23; political leadership of an individual, ib.1296a39; γένος ὑπερέχον πρὸς ἡ. πολιτικήν ib.1288a9. b. = Lat. imperium, Plu. Mar.36, D.C.60.17, etc.; “Αἴγυπτον δήμου 'Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίᾳ προσέθηκα” Mon.Anc.Gr.15.1; “τοῖς καλοῖς τῆς ἡ. νόμοις” Ath.Mech.39.7; τριῶν τῶν μεγίστων ἡ. Plu.Luc.30; reign of an Emperor, Ev.Luc.3.1; office of prefect, POxy.237v6 (ii A.D.), al. III. military unit, regiment, IG22.657 (pl.), PRein.9.13 (ii B.C.), Plu.Cam.23 (pl.); but αἱ μείζονες ἡ. the higher commands, Ael.Tact.10.4. Henry George Liddell. Robert Scott. A Greek-English Lexicon. revised and augmented throughout by. Sir Henry Stuart Jones. with the assistance of. Roderick McKenzie. Oxford. Clarendon Press. 1940.
ἡγεμον-ία
ηγεμονία
ανταρσία
insurrection
εξέγερση
an overflow of water; a flood; a rising and spreading of water over low grounds
πλημμυρίς
υπερχείλιση νερού, πλημμύρα, άνοδος και εξάπλωση του νερού σε χαμηλά εδάφη
εισβολή
invasion
island or island group
νησί ή νησιωτικό σύμπλεγμα
land battle
μάχη στην ξηρά
migrant crisis
μεταναστευτική κρίση
military crisis
πολεμική κρίση
military function
νομισματική κρίση
monetary crisis
κρίση νομίσματος
currency crisis
ναυμαχία
olympic Games
Olympic Games
Olympics
Ολυμπιακοί Αγώνες
Ostracismus（ὀστρακισμός, i. e. vote by potsherd, ὄστρακον). A mode of judgment by the people practised in various Greek States (Argos, Megara, Miletus), and especially at Athens, by which persons whose presence appeared dangerous to liberty were banished for a certain period, without, however, thereby suffering any loss in reputation or property. Ostracism was introduced at Athens in B.C. 509. It was applied (among others) to Themistocles, Aristides, Cimon, and Alcibiades, and was last exercised in 417 against a demagogue, one Hyberbolus, whose insignificance made the measure ridiculous, and so brought about its abolition (Thuc.viii. 73; Nicias, 11, Alcibiades, 13). Every year the question was put to the people, whether the measure appeared necessary: if they so decided (and it was only exceptionally that there was occasion for it), the citizens who possessed the franchise assembled in the marketplace, and each wrote upon a sherd (ὄστρακον) the name of the person whose banishment he deemed desirable. The man whose name was found upon not less than 6000 sherds had to leave the country in ten days at latest, for ten or (later) five years. He could, however, at any time be recalled by a decree of the people; and the question, as before, was decided by not less than 6000 votes. (See Arist. Pol. iii. 13 § 15 Pol., 17 § 7 Pol., v. 3 3; Plut. Arist. 7; cf. Grote's History of Greece, chap. xxxi.). Harry Thurston Peck. Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. New York. Harper and Brothers. 1898. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:text:1999.04.0062:entry=ostracismus-harpers
ostracism
exile
οστρακισμός
εξορία
Panathenaia Festival
Panathenaic Festival
Μεγάλα Παναθήναια
Panathenaic festival
επιβουλή
perceived threat to power
piratical attack
πειρατική επίθεση
πολιτική πράξη
δράση που αποσκοπεί στην επίτευξη ενός σκοπού με τη χρήση της πολιτικής εξουσίας ή με τη δραστηριοποίηση σe πολιτικούς διαύλους
political action
action designed to attain a purpose by the use of political power or by activity in political channels
political crisis
πολιτική κρίση
political function
port settlement
οικισμός λιμανιού
public health crisis
υγειονομική κρίση
Πύθια
Pythia
reform
refusal to prostrate
religious festival
ταραχές
riot
ταραχή
rural area
ύπαιθρος
άλωση
sack
sea
sea location
παραθαλάσσια τοποθεσία
η απόσυρση μιας ομάδας από μια ευρύτερη οντότητα (ιδίως μια πολιτική οντότητα, αλλά και από οποιαδήποτε οργάνωση, ένωση ή στρατιωτική συμμαχία) που προκαλεί εξέγερση
ἀπόστασις , εως, ἡ, (ἀφίστημι)
the withdrawal of a group from a larger entity (especially a political entity, but also from any organization, union or military alliance) causing to revolt
secession
στάση
siege
Siege is an attempt of a belligerent force to break down the resistance of the enemy by preventing egress or ingress of men or entrance of supplies over a considerable period of time.The term is applied chiefly to a military as opposed to a naval attempt and implies investment with troops on all sides of a fortified place (often a city).
πολιορκία
sport festival
suburb
προάστειο
treason
προδοσία
σπονδή
συνθήκη ειρήνης
truce
εκεχειρία
armistice
peace treaty
tidal wave
παλιρροϊκό κύμα
very large ocean wave caused by an underwater earthquake or volcanic eruption often causing inundation on lower grounds
πολύ μεγάλο ωκεάνιο κύμα που προκαλείται από υποθαλάσσιο σεισμό ή ηφαιστειακή έκρηξη και συχνά προκαλεί πλημμύρα σε παραθαλάσσια εδάφη με χαμηλό υψόμετρο
urban area
αστική περιοχή
war
πόλεμος
declaration of war
war declaration
κήρυξη πολέμου